Once in Our Life, Two Years of Our Time

“Training to be soldiers
To fight for our land
Once in our life
Two years of our time

Have you ever wondered
Why must we serve?
Coz we love our land
And we want it to be free, to be free

Looking all around us
People everywhere
While they’re having fun
We are holding guns

Have you ever wondered
Why must we serve?
Coz we love our land
And we want it to be free, to be free

Stand up!
And be on your guard
Come on every soldier
Do your part
Do it for our nation
Do it for our Singapore”

After almost 18 years of active National Service (two-and-a-half years of full-time NS plus ten cycles of In-Camp Trainings), I finally received my precious MR (Mindef Reserve) certificate. Looking back, the unforgettable experiences were both fun and siong (tough). There were good and bad memories, as well as absolute nightmares in the confinements, devilish trainings and tekan by sadistic instructors. Memories of NS may be nostalgic to some, but most, if not all, will not want to go through it again.

NS life is a favourite chit chatting topic among male Singaporeans. Many like to reminisce their NS days, and compare whose units were the most siong. There are always countless tales to tell; from outfields and trainings to supernatural stuffs.

Pre-Independence Period

The British colonial government first mooted the idea of national service in 1952. The bill, named the National Service Ordnance, was passed by the Legislative Council and was supposed to come into effect in 1954. The new law required the local men of ages between 18 and 20 to be called up for trainings at the Singapore Military Force (SMF) or the Civil Defence Corps (CDC). Those who failed to register would be fined or jailed.

However, most locals rejected the new law. Thousands of local Indians left Singapore, while the Chinese middle school students organised aggressive protests. In May 1954, the National Service Riots broke out. As many as 2,500 students locked themselves at Chung Cheng High School. Police marched in to quash the riots, but the colonial government eventually backed down and “postponed” the bill.

Even though the students successfully forced the authority to reverse their decision, dozens of them were injured and arrested in the riots. The Chinese middle schools, in the later years, even became a breeding ground for pro-communist elements.

Singapore’s First Battalion

The history of local military regulars has gone a long way back. In April 1955, Singapore was given its first Legislative Assembly Election, with David Marshall (1908-1995) served as the First Chief Minister of Singapore. When Lim Yew Hock took over the partial self-government a year later, his hardline approach against the communists persuaded the British to grant Singapore more autonomy.

As the complete self-rule of the country became imminent, there was a need for Singapore to have its own military defence. On 12 March 1957, a total of 237 men born in Singapore was selected from an application pool of 1,420 to form the First Singapore Infantry Regiment (1SIR). Trainings of the new recruits were first carried out at Nee Soon Camp, which was still under the ownership of the British Army and was used to train their own forces.

The officers and men were later based at Ulu Pandan Camp, but it took six years before 1SIR reached its full battalion strength of over 800 men. The early roles of 1SIR was mainly to engage internal security and maintain civil order with the police.

During the merging with Malaysia and the Konfrontasi period against Indonesia (1963-1965), 1SIR was posted to Perak, Sabah and Johor for jungle trainings and defensive missions. The experienced battalion later produced many commanders to train the new enlistees when NS started in 1967.

Compulsory National Service

When Singapore attained independence in 1965, there was an urgency for the newly born nation to have its own defence force. Its two existing battalions of regulars were clearly insufficient, but any expansion of the army would cost a lot of money and put a strain on the economy.

Finance Minister Dr Goh Keng Swee (1918-2010) was appointed as the first Minister for Defence to work on the proposal in building up a sizable voluntary force to back up the regulars. However, when the British indicated their intention to reduce their forces in Malaysia and Singapore in 1966, the need for compulsory national conscription with reservist became the long term plan.

At the beginning, Singapore’s military development and directions were not determined. Several international case studies were conducted, and Switzerland was one of the considerations, based on the success of its economy and citizen army. In the end, Israel was deemed as a more suitable model. A secret pact with Israel was reached, with Israeli advisors flew in to train the first batch of graduates from the Singapore Armed Forces Training Institute in June 1967.

In the early days of Singapore’s independence, the military cooperation with Israel was never formally acknowledged, due to the sensitivity of a predominately Muslim region. The Israeli advisors, when arrived at Singapore, even had to take up the identities of “Mexicans” or “Indians”.

By January 1967, all new civil servants were required to undertake military training. A month later, the NS (Amendment) Act was passed in the parliament. On 28 March 1967, registration was first opened for all 18-year-old male Singaporeans. Only one tenth of the 9,000 applicants was selected for full-time NS due to the limited training facilities. The remaining was posted to part-time national service at the People’s Defence Force (PDF), the Special Constabulary and the Vigilante Corps.

The 900 selected personnel were officially enlisted on 17 July 1967, added to the newly-formed infantry battalions of 3SIR and 4SIR after weeks of basic military training (BMT). Subsequent batches of fresh enlistees soon followed, reporting at the community centres or the Central Manpower Base.

In the late sixties and early seventies, send-off dinners and ceremonies were regularly organised at the community centres to boost the morale and the commitment of the new national servicemen, whose loved ones would line up along the roads to witness their departures on the three-tonner trucks.

With the successful establishment of the additional infantry battalions and the new SAF Training Institute, other facilities such as the School of Artillery and School of Signals soon followed. In the late sixties, SAF also introduced its first scholarship program to attract the brightest talents to join the military as their careers. The university study fees and living expenses were offered in exchange for an eight-year bond with the armed forces.

Singapore celebrated its first ever National Day on 9 August 1966. Six contingents, including the Singapore Infantry Regiment and the People’s Defence Force, marched past the building of City Hall, saluting then-President Yusof bin Ishak. Crowds of thousands cheered loudly as the troops continued their march to Chinatown and Tanjong Pagar. On 1st July 1969, Singapore also celebrated its first Armed Forces Day (SAF Day) to mark the armed forces’ loyalty and dedication to the nation. A 1,500-strong contingent of national servicemen and servicewomen was involved in the special day filled with parades and open houses.

The national servicemen of the sixties and seventies, beside trainings, took part in many gotong royong (helping out in the communities) such as tree planting, rivers’ clean-up, debris removal in flood-affected areas and road repairs at kampongs. Many were also activated for major rescue operations, notably the Laju Crisis in 1974, the Spyros Disaster in 1978, the Sentosa Cable Car Accident in 1983 and collapse of Hotel New World in 1986.

MINDEF and CMPB

Before its split into Ministry of Defence (MINDEF) and Ministry of Home Affairs in 1970, it was the Ministry of Interior and Defence (MID) which took charge of SAF. The ministry was established in 1965 with only a small office at Empress Place as its headquarters. It was then shifted to Pearl’s Hill Barracks in early 1966, sharing the premises with the Central Manpower Base (CMPB) and the Police Headquarters.

A year later, CMPB was moved to Kallang Camp. It was reunited with MINDEF at the Tanglin Barracks in 1972, after its buildings were left vacant by the departed British forces. This lasted 17 years until 1989, when MINDEF moved to its new headquarters at Bukit Gombak, while CMPB was relocated to Depot Road.

Training to be Soldiers

Before the official inauguration of the centralised Basic Military Training Centre (BMTC) in 1996, the recruits were trained in two major camps at Nee Soon and Pulau Tekong. A small number of other enlistees was recruited directly in units through the mono-intake system introduced since 1980.

To many, the Physical Training Instructor (PTI) was a terror figure during BMT. Daily routine of morning exercises included jumping jack, burpees, star jumps, pushups, situps, half squats and others. Waking up at 5.30am, the recruits gathered at the parade square to do 5BX (5 Basic Exercises) in the darkness, followed by a short run before they could have their breakfasts.

To do more than 200 pushups in a morning session of physical training was a norm in the nineties. After the tekan, the body would ache so much that many could not lift their arms while changing shirts. Threading water for several minutes in the swimming pool was another gruelling exercise. Nevertheless, the tough physical trainings ensured the national serviceman was kept at his best fighting-fit condition.

Today, the likes of log PT and medicine ball are banned. Even the role of PTI is being outsourced to commercial fitness outfits.

The Standard Obstacle Course, or SOC, was a nightmare for many.

Dressed in combat attire with SBO, helmet and rifle, this was one of the basic courses in BMT that a recruit must complete within 9 minutes.

A short 50m run was followed by a 1.83m low wall. Other obstacles were the monkey bars, stepping board, 3.5m rope, swinging bridge, balancing log, Jacob’s Ladder and a low ramp with concertina wires.

After clearing all the obstacles in this “military playground”, the recruit had to run another 600m before finishing the physically-demanding course.

The Battle Inoculation Course (BIC) was an interesting course a recruit had to go through in his BMT. It was a simulation of a battlefield environment during wartime, and the trainees had to get past barbed wires by doing leopard crawling and back crawling with live rounds flying above them. After an exhausting 90m of crawling and wiggling in the mud, the recruits would have to gather all their might to make a final charge at their “enemies”.

Many older Singaporeans would be familiar with the hand grenade training in BMT, influenced by the classic SBC drama The Army Series (新兵小传) in 1983, in which veteran actor Huang Wenyong played an acting role as a lieutenant who lost his life while saving a recruit during a hand grenade training.

In reality, the course was not as dangerous as it seemed. Trainees had to be familiarised through repeated throwing practices with a dummy grenade before they could actually try the real thing. Standing behind a concrete barrier, the recruit had to release the safety pin before throwing the live grenade and witnessing its explosion six seconds later.

The instructor must keep his calm at all time, but even the most experienced ones would be unnerved by three types of recruits, namely the blur sotongs, the gan cheong spiders and those with sweaty palms!

Chemical Agent Training used to be one of the courses in BMT. Trainees donned in masks and full body suits had to go through a tear gas-filled chamber. The worst experience was not the eye-burning sensation caused by the tear gas but the sight and smell of those stains of tears, saliva and mucus on the used mask!

The eight-week BMT was rounded off with a six-day field camp and a 24km route march in FBO (Full Battle Order). But it was not over yet! In fact, it was just the beginning of a two-year (two-and-a-half year previously) National Service. Different batches of national servicemen, depending on their vocations, went to experience different types of training courses.

Cheong sua, literally “means charging (up) the hill” in Hokkien, is a phrase used to describe basic infantry training. The tactical movement was by no means an easy feat. Many national servicemen could recall their exhausted days at the notorious Peng Kang Hill and Elephant Hill (at Pasir Laba) and Botak Hill (at Pulau Tekong).

In the 1970s, there were many small knolls at the training area between Woodlands and Mandai, such as Hill 180 and Hill 255, which were named according to their heights (in feet). The most famous was perhaps Hill 265 with its steep barren slopes covered with orange mud. Part of it was flattened in the nineties due to the construction of the Seletar Expressway (SLE).

Not all national servicemen had the chance to experience it, but for those who did, the oversea exercises at Brunei were unforgettable experiences, or nightmares. Its thick and dense jungles made Singapore’s Mandai or Sungei Gedong look like playgrounds.

Wearing sweat-drenched No. 4 and carrying heavy weapons, the soldiers had to trek long distances over hilly areas filled with commando-trained mosquitoes, sand flies, armies of giant ants and, occasionally, some mean-looking centipedes. As if the physical toil was not enough, there were also rumours that the jungles contained many restless souls of previous National Servicemen who got lost in the thick vegetation and never made it back home.

Life in the Army Camps

Beside combat trainings and physical exercises, national servicemen had to learn to adapt to routine life in the army camps, sharing bunks with each other and working hand in hand to ensure the required disciplinary standards were met.

Unlike today, the past national servicemen had to do all the area cleanings themselves, taking turns to wash the toilets, empty the drains and clear the dry leaves on the carparks. Beds had to be made each morning with wrinkle-free bedsheets. The boots must be polished gilat gilat, and displayed neatly along with the shoes and slippers by the beds. The items in the cupboards should be placed in their orders, with the shelves kept dust-free.

The two-week confinement period during BMT was perhaps the most restricted period for the national servicemen. In those days without internet or handphones, the connection with the outside world was basically cut off. At nights, the recruits queued up in long lines at the coin phones, while others tried to find pleasure listening to their walkman. Leisure time was short anyway, as the lights had to be off by 10pm.

Despite the authority’s denial, the existence of “white horse” was never in doubt. Those who had the “luck” to be part of a BMT platoon or company with a “white horse” would enjoy more canteen breaks and less punishments!

Life in the units was generally better, but new birds were likely to be tekan with constant stand-by-bed, turn-outs (in the middle of the night) and change parades in their first few weeks. The worst of all was the falling-in of beds’ and cupboards’ at the parade square. Imagine carrying those heavy and bulky cupboards up and down three or four levels. Luckily for the new national servicemen, this sadistic practice is banned today.

Rifles as Wives

On the first day when M16 (or SAF21 today or AR15 before the 1980s) was handed to a recruit, he was taught that he must treat the 3.3kg weapon like his wife.

It was a grave mistake to lose one’s rifle. Without his weapon, a soldier was like a vulnerable sheep during the war. During an outfield exercise, the weapon must be slung by the side at all times, even during sleeping. The sergeants would not hesitate to “steal” the rifle from any careless soldier, and a “lost” weapon would mean extra confinement and burnt weekends.

There were many M16-related trainings. For the fitness part, a M16 (or the heavier dummy weapon) was often used to train the endurance and the strength of the arms. In close combat trainings, a recruit also learned, in times of ammunition shortage, how to pierce the target with the bayonet fixed at the end of his M16, or hit the target with the rifle butt. In reality, it seems a better idea to lie low or retreat when your rounds are exhausted.

To many, shooting range was one of the most enjoyable activities in NS. But the excitement of firing live rounds and hitting the targets was often offset by the fear of punishment due to misfiring or other silly mistakes in the range. And not forgetting the exhausting moment during that 300m run down. A shooting range exercise usually took a day to complete. The difference between marksmen and bobo shooters became more obvious during the night shoot.

The arrival of the ninja van, with its fried bee hoon, nasi lemak and soft drinks, was perhaps the best consolation in an otherwise boring range where sections of trainees sat on long wooden benches waiting for their turns. The nickname of ninja van probably derived from its ability to find the starving troops in ulu camps and training grounds.

There were much to do after a shooting range exercise. Empty cartridges had to be picked up; rifles had to be cleared, cleaned, oiled and checked before returning to the armskote. By then, the soldiers were already shack out.

The Military Identity

The SAF 11B is a military identification card all active national servicemen must possess. The predecessor of 11B was 11A, which was phased out two years after the introduction of 11B in 1981.

The little green NS Booklet was replaced by the convenience of the online NS Portal in the early 2000s. National servicemen no longer need to refer to their booklets on their total number of high-key and low-key ICTs.

The Defence Industry

The first Minister for Defence Dr Goh Keng Swee was also the chief architect in the development of local defence-related companies to support SAF. One of its first in the industries, Chartered Industries of Singapore (CIS) was established in 1967 to supply 5.56mm ammunition rounds for the M16 rifles.

In 1969, Singapore bought 72 French-made AMX-13 tanks and 170 V200 armoured vehicles. The purchase was significant, as it kicked off a program of continuous upgradings in the history of SAF.

The late sixties and early seventies also saw the formation of Singapore Shipbuilding & Engineering (SSE), Singapore Electronic & Engineering Limited (SEEL), Singapore Automotive Engineering (SAE), Singapore Food Industries (SFI) and SAF Enterprises (SAFE).

These supporting companies provided SAF with maintenance services in communication and electronic equipment, military vehicle servicing, engineering and design, and even daily food supply to the SAF soldiers.

Evolution of SAF Cookhouses

The sight of military chefs, metal trays and green plastic mugs represented the days before the commercialisation of SAF cookhouses in 1997.

Hungry soldiers risked facing the wrath of cooks who were frustrated by long hours of work and oily environment, whose sweat would sometimes trickle down into the large pot while they were stirring the rice. A request for more vegetable? The emotionless cook would just dump a big load onto your tray, spilling over onto your fingers.

Daily meals of just rice, meat and vegetable were a norm. On occasional days, there would be fish ball noodles, but the noodles tasted more like rubber bands than anything else. During BMT, recruits had to take turns to wash the cookhouses and clear the garbage too. Canteen breaks became a valuable treat, as the national servicemen looked to avoid cookhouses at all cost.

The plan of outsourcing to civilian caterers was proposed as early as 1984, due to the declining number of young male Singaporeans entering the national service. However, the commercialisation of SAF cookhouses was not finalised until 1997.

Two catering companies Singapore Food Industries Manufacturing (SFIM) and Foodfare Catering (FFC) were contracted to manage 60 SAF cookhouses and provide a wide range of food to the National Servicemen, who were treated with safer food preparation and healthier choice of food.

The environment-friendly packaging and higher quality and lighter combat rations also made it convenient for the soldiers during their outfield exercises. The cans of baked beans, hard tack biscuits and melting chocolates were replaced by commercial off-the-shelf snacks and beverages that could be found in the supermarkets.

Today, the national servicemen enjoy different daily menus such as chicken rice, nasi bryani, pasta and even fish and chips.

Temasek Green, Camouflaged and Pixelised

Temasek Green, the first generation of SAF combat uniform debuted in 1967, replacing the old military clothing formerly used by the British. The uniform, which was made of thick cotton and had two pockets for the shirt and three for the pants, was modified in 1977 with a darker green tone, baggier in size and an addition of two extra shirt pockets.

In 1983, the old Temasek Green uniform was replaced by the camouflaged type. Its colour fastness, however, was poor and the camouflage patterns faded easily after repeated washings. A new version made by a different material was introduced in 1985. Lighter in weight and had better air permeability, the second generation of SAF uniform lasted 25 years before being replaced by the latest 3G uniform with pixelised patterns.

With the introduction of the No.3 uniform in 1982, the parade days of the starch-stiff Temasek Green were all but memories. New monotone PT kits also made their way into SAF in 1995, replacing the old camouflaged ones.

Army Ghost Stories

Ghost stories always ranked high in the list of common topics among national servicemen during chit chatting sessions, especially if they were stationed in an old ulu camp.

The most famous of all was the legendary three-door bunk of Charlie Company at Pulau Tekong. The story managed to find its way between batches and generations even though the unfortunate incident happened more than 30 years ago and the creepy bunk no longer exists today.

Prowling around the old Tekong camp at night was never fun, especially when there were rife rumours of a weeping female ghost in white dress sitting on the Jacob’s Ladder. Another popular ghost story in NS was the spirit of an old man walking around at night with his granddaughter. Their footsteps could be heard from afar, but the next moment you could sense them standing beside your bed.

“This one not asleep yet!” the granddaughter mocked, pointing to those who closed their eyes tightly pretending to sleep.

What about the famous haunted White House at Nee Soon Camp? Sounds were always heard at night, yet the building was empty when the prowlers checked it out. Or that poor soul of a soldier who had to return to the same level of the building every night to repeat his suicide. And when a pack of dogs gathered and howled at the chin up bar, there were whispers that it was due to the spirit of a national serviceman who hanged himself at the bar many years ago.

Colourful NS Lingo

Singapore is a place full of acronyms and abbreviations, such as PIE (Pan-Island Expressway), ERP (Electronic Road Pricing) and MOE (Ministry of Education). Likewise, SAF itself has many abbreviations. With the addition of our unique Singlish, a list of colourful NS lingo is born.

Hokkien used to be a common language used during SAF trainings. It was, however, banned in October 1978. Only English, Malay and Mandarin were allowed. But as the old army saying goes: “Do whatever you want, just don’t get caught“, the widespread usage of Hokkien, especially the vulgarities, has continued to this day.

Some common phrases seemed to be frequently used by most instructors. Eg, during a run, the instructors like to say sarcastically: “Walk some more! Never mind, take your time” or “My grandmother can run faster than you“.

During a tekan session: “Whole lot knock it down!“, “I can’t hear you!“, “Shack right? Cannot think properly isn’t!?“. Other favourite phrases include “You think I thought who confirms?“.

ROD (Run Out Date), arguably the most significant acronym to any national serviceman, was changed to ORD (Operational Ready Date) in July 1994.

NS Sing-a-Long

“Any Sweat? No Sweat! Chicken feed, ha ha all the way!”

Little was known of how the NS songs came about. Some were perhaps passed down by the British during the colonial era, while others might be created by some talented local national servicemen in the seventies and eighties. Nevertheless, the songs aimed to boost the morale of the soldiers during a run or a route march. Who forget the 24km BMT graduation route march, where everyone sang in high spirits (at the start) and encouraged each other to complete the feat?

“C130 rolling down the street
Airborne rangers take a little trip
Stand up hook up shuffle to the door
Jump right down by the count of 4

If this chute doesn’t open wide
I have another one by my side
If this one doesn’t open too
Then you all can see me die

If I die in a Russian front
Bury me with a Russian gun
If i die in a Vietnam war
Send me back to Singapore

Tell my major I’ve done my best
Silver wings upon my chest
Tell my mama I’ve done my best
Now its time to take a rest”

“Purple light, in the army
That is where, I wanna be
Infantry, best companion
With my rifle and my buddy and me

SOC, sibei jialat
Log PT, lagi worse
Everyday, doing PT
With my rifle and my buddy and me

Booking out, saw my girlfriend
Holding hands, with another man
Beat the man, dump my girlfriend
With my rifle and my buddy and me

ORD, back to studies
Get degree, so happy
Can’t forget, still remember
With my rifle and my buddy and me

Purple light, in the war front
There is where, my body dies
If I die, would you bury
With my rifle and my buddy and me”

“Far far away in the South China Sea
I left a girl, with tear in her eyes,
I must go where the great men fights ya
A soldier has to fight the front because he love his land ya
A soldier has to fight even his has to die!
Coz we are the one who fight the front
And we are the one who holds the gun,
We are mighty warriors from this land ya
Alpha warriors marching in hoorah hoorah
Alpha warriors marching in hoorah hoorah
Coz we are the one who fight the front
And we are the one who holds the gun,
We are mighty warriors from this land ya”

“Everywhere we go-o
People want to know-o
Who we are
Where we come from
So we tell them
We are from (name of platoon/company/battalion)
Mighty, mighty (name of platoon/company/battalion)
And if they can’t hear us
We sing a little louder”

Army Camps in Singapore

There are over 100 army camps and military bases in Singapore. Many were built by the British during the colonial era, while the rest were formed by the Singapore Armed Forces after independence. Below are brief descriptions of some of the old and former camps in Singapore.

Ayer Rajah Camp (1940s-2010)

Located at Portsdown Road, the Ayer Rajah Camp was well known as a servicing and vehicle maintenance camp. It was formerly part of the British’s Pasir Panjang Complex that also included the Gillman Barracks and Alexandra Camp. The camp was first home to the British Royal Electrical and Mechanical Engineers, which provided maintenance services to the British military vehicles before the Second World War.

After the war, the camp was taken back from the Japanese forces and placed under British control for another 27 years before they departed in 1971. It was then handed over to SAF’s Ordnance Maintenance Base (OMB). In the eighties, the Headquarters (HQ) Maintenance and Ordnance Engineering Training Institute (OETI) moved in to share the premises with OMB, which was reorganised as General Support Maintenance Base (GSMB).

In 2010, the camp was closed and its site was returned to the State. Its premises will be leased to MediaCorp in 2014.

Beach Road Camp (1930s-2000)

One of the few former military camps situated in the City, the Beach Road Camp was built on reclaimed lands and originally standing just beside the coastline. Its Art Deco-styled buildings were functioning as the headquarters for the Singapore Volunteer Corps (SVC), which was formerly located at Fort Fullerton.

Beach Road Camp played a significant military role in the early days of Singapore’s independence. It served as the main registration centre for the early batches of NS enlistees, and was home to several SAF units such as the infantry regiment, signal unit and provost company. The People’s Defence Force (PDF), formerly SVC, retained the camp as its headquarters.

By the mid-nineties, it became apparent that Beach Road Camp would be shifted due to its location in the prime land district. In 2000, the camp was officially shut down. Its three colonial buildings Block 1, 9 and 14 were given conservation status in 2002, while its plot of land, along with the former NCO club, was sold to private developers of hotels, offices and residences.

Blakang Mati Artillery Barracks (1910-1972)

Built in 1910, the Blakang Mati Artillery Barracks on present-day Sentosa was part of the British’s defensive facilities for the southern coastline of Singapore. The island and the barracks, however, fell to the Japanese forces during the Second World War, and were used as a prisoners-of-war camp.

Singapore’s first artillery division First Singapore Regiment Royal Artillery was established at Blakang Mati Artillery Barracks in 1948. It also housed the Singapore Naval Volunteer Force, School of Maritime Training and Naval Medical School after Singapore’s independence. But SAF’s control of the barracks lasted only until 1972, when the government decided to develop the island for leisure and tourism.

The barracks were abandoned for many years until recently, when the site was put up for sale for a hotel development project.

Changi Command Barracks (1935-1990s)

Standing proudly on Fairy Point Hill, the former Changi Commando Barracks was once an integrated part of the British’s naval and air defence strategy against any potential invasions at the eastern part of Singapore. Constructed in 1935, it was originally a command building for the British Royal Engineers.

In 1971, the vicinity became part of the Commando Unit’s premises when the SAF elite troops were relocated from Pasir Laba Camp to Changi Camp. Two years later, the unit was strengthened with its first NS battalion, supported by a new school and headquarters. The iconic colonial building on Fairy Point Hill was used as the HQ office for the Commandos.

When Hendon Camp was officially inaugurated in 1993 as the new home for the Commandos, Changi Commando Barracks was abandoned for many years. In 2002, it was given the conservation status, and the premises are now part of a new hotel development project.

Guillemard Camp (1969-2003)

The former Guillemard Camp was home to 1SIR, Singapore’s first military unit. It was established at the start of 1969 for the relocation of 1SIR from Taman Jurong Camp. Generations of recruits had gone through intensive infantry training at the small Guillemard Camp for past 30-plus years.

The camp stayed relatively the same despite the changes in its surroundings, where blocks of residential flats popped up along Old Airport Road and Dakota Crescent. Due to the limitation in space and aging training facilities, its operations were finally ceased in in 2003, with 1SIR shifted to Mandai Hill Camp. The plot of land has since been reserved for future housing development.

As the population increases, the growing need for more residential development means those old redundant camps have to make way. In recent years, the likes of Haig Road Camp, (Old) Keat Hong Camp and Simon Road Camp were demolished for the construction of public flats and condominiums. As the old barracks were being torn down, they vanished together with the memories of many generations of national servicemen once stationed at those camps.

Mowbray Camp (Old) (1937-2002)

The old Mowbray Camp at the junction of Ulu Pandan Road and Clementi Road was a former British camp that used to house its guard contingent. It was, however, more well-known for being the home of the SAF Provost Unit between 1971 and 2002. SAF Provost Unit was first established in 1966 at Beach Road Camp, before moving to Hill Street Camp and finally settled at Mowbray Camp for 31 years.

The mentions of MP (Military Police) and DB (Detention Barracks) had struck fear into the hearts of many generations of national servicemen. SAF’s first military detention cells were set up at Beach Road Camp together with the SAF Provost Unit in 1966. By the eighties, there was a total of four major detention barracks in Singapore (Kranji, Nee Soon, Changi and Tanglin). In 1987, the SAF Detention Barracks was officially opened as a centralised military prison, replacing the other old detention barracks.

Mowbray Camp was also home to Home Team’s canine unit. The Police Dog Unit was stationed here as early as the 1950s, before being linked up with the Customs & Excise Department’s canine unit (in 1987), the Prisons Department’s canine unit (1995) and the Singapore Civil Defence Force’s Rescue Dog Section (1997).

In 2002, the SAF Provost Unit moved to the new Mowbray Camp at Choa Chu Kang Way.

Nee Soon Camp (1934-Present)

Located opposite Kangkar in the olden days, Nee Soon Camp was first set up by the British in 1934 as one of the military bases in the northern part of Singapore. The recruits of first Singapore Infantry Battalion were trained at Nee Soon Camp when Singapore established its own military forces in 1957.

The establishment of Nee Soon Camp brought prosperity to its surroundings, increasing the population and commercial activities. In 1930, prominent Chinese businessman Lee Kong Chian (1893-1967) saw the opportunities and bought the row of 24 shophouses opposite Nee Soon Camp, renting them out as provision shops, bakeries, barber salons, tailor shops and others.

Nee Soon Camp functioned as a school of BMT until the late 1990s. It received major revamp in the 2000s, with many of its old colonial buildings demolished. Today, there is even a condominium standing near the entrance of Nee Soon Camp, beside the row of shophouses that are famous for their military apparel and paraphernalia.

Selarang Camp (1938-Present)

The British built Selarang Camp at Loyang, in the eastern part of Singapore, in 1938. It was used by the Scottish Battalion but was occupied by the Japanese during the Second World War. During the Japanese Occupation, as many as 15,000 Australian Prisoners-of-War (POWs) were imprisoned at Selerang Camp. In 1942, the Japanese forced the POWs onto the parade square for five days without water and sanitation, in a bid to force the prisoners to agree not to escape. This was later known as the “Changi Incident”.

After the Second World War, Selarang Camp was used as a base by the Australian Army units from the ANZUK, which was made up of troops from Australia, New Zealand and the United Kingdom. In 1971, the camp was officially handed over to SAF, and had housed the 9 Division of the Armed Forces since 1984. Its premises were given an extensive upgrading at a cost of $50 million in 1991. Many of its old colonial buildings were demolished to be replaced by new modern complexes.

Seletar Camp (1920s-Present)

Seletar Camp and its airbase were largely constructed in the 1920s as British military facilities for air travel and air defence. The premises were officially owned by the Royal Air Force in 1930 but fell to the hands of the Japanese forces during the Second World War. The Japanese navy captured Seletar Airbase in 1942 and renamed it as Seretar Hikojo.

After the war, the British repossessed Seletar Camp but the airbase no longer boasted the largest in Singapore, being replaced by the new airfield at Changi. SAF took over Seletar Camp in 1971, and maintained restricted public access to its eastern part of the camp. The western part was open to public and commercial aircraft.

Due to the Seletar Aerospace Park project since the late 2000s, the quiet rustic Seletar Camp had gone through tremendous changes, with many of its old colonial buildings demolished.

Tanglin Barracks (1861-1989)

Tanglin Barracks were one of the oldest camps in Singapore. Built in 1861, it was situated in a former nutmeg plantation, functioning as a base for the British garrison infantry battalion. After SAF took over it in 1971, the camp was designated as the headquarters for the Ministry of Defence and the Central Manpower Base. Since the early 2000s, the premises around the vacated Tanglin Barracks had seen significant development as a hub for lifestyle, fine dining and cultural arts.

The list consists of other camps not mentioned above:

Saluting all former and current NS personnel!

Published: 01 May 2013

Updated: 13 May 2013

Old Holland Road and The Hakka Clan

It is Qing Ming Festival (Tomb Sweeping Day) again. I make my annual trip to pay respects at Fung Yun Thai Association Columbarium near Old Holland Road, where my grandparents’ funeral urns are stored. Also commonly known as Hakka Clan (客人邑), this is where the early Chinese Hakka immigrants had settled and lived for generations.

Old Holland Road

There are many “old” roads in Singapore, such as Old Yio Chu Kang Road, Old Upper Thomson Road and Old Tampines Road. In most cases, these roads were renamed after their roles and importance diminished over time and were replaced by the newer arterial roads of the same names.

In the sixties, a long stretch of the original Holland Road wound its way through a massive Chinese Hakka graveyard called Fung Yun Thai Cemetery (丰永大坟山), serving as a link between 6½ Milestone Bukit Timah Road and its main arterial portion at the junction with Ulu Pandan Road.

When the cemetery was exhumed in the early eighties, part of Holland Road (see map below) was also demolished. A new road by the name of Holland Road North was constructed in the late nineties as an accessible route to planned private condominiums in the vicinity. It was supposed to be linked up with Holland Road South and Holland Road West, but the constructions were never completed.

Holland Road North was later renamed as Old Holland Road, as a continuation of the road that started off Bukit Timah Road. The incomplete Holland Road South and West, on the other hand, became rocky paths, and are out of bounds to motor vehicles today.

The newer Holland Plain and Holland Link, as their names suggest, refer to the grass plain that has formerly the exhumed cemetery, and the link that joins Old Holland Road to the original Holland Road. The rocky paths are now a favourite route for joggers and dog owners, while many enthusiasts can be seen flying their kite and remote-controlled aircraft at the vast grass plain.

Shocking Crime

Durian plantations were once abundant off Old Holland Road; there were several cases of thefts of durians reported on the newspapers in the eighties. A horrific crime, however, shocked Singapore on 22 May 1985 when 18-year-old Catholic Junior College student Winnifred Teo Suan Lie (张碹丽) went missing while jogging near the exhumed cemetery. Her body was discovered naked and lying in the bushes along Old Holland Road the next morning, with six fatal slashes on her neck. The murderer was never caught.

Changing Landscape

The Hakka columbarium, completed in 1991 and tucked at the corner of Holland Plain and Holland Link, off Old Holland Road, has enjoyed undisturbed peace and serenity for the past two decades. In the last three years, however, the columbarium started to experience changes in its surroundings. Like other parts of Singapore affected by the construction frenzy, private development are now slowly engulfing the former graveyard that has been vacated and forgotten over time.

Almost a forgotten place in Singapore, the Fung Yung Thai Association Columbarium receive few visitors in any days other than Qing Ming or other special occasions. Before 2011, its main ancestral hall was accompanied by a large garden, with a main tomb that probably buried a significant or wealthy Hakka figure of the past. Few would have expected these to vanish within two years.

By April 2013, the latest private property project in the highly sought-after District 10 is almost ready. Named Eleven @Holland, the brand new strata-titled semi-detached houses are located such a short distance away that a tall circling wall has to be built around the columbarium, probably to prevent the new residents from facing its ghastly neighbours. The vanished garden and main tomb of the columbarium had become part of the premises of the new housing project.

An Old Hakka Association

The history of Fung Yun Thai Association (丰永大公会) dated back to the 19th century, when the early Hakka immigrants from the three counties of China (Fung Shoon 丰顺, Yun Teng 永定 and Tai Po 大埔), arrived at Singapore.

By the late 19th century, there were about 6,000 Hakkas settled at the areas around present-day Commonwealth and Buona Vista, a relatively small number compared to the three major Chinese dialect groups in Singapore. According to a population census conducted by the Straits Settlements government in 1881, the strength of the Hokkien, Teochew and Cantonese groups ranged between 15,000 and 25,000 each.

In 1888, for the price of 300 silver dollars plus an annual tax of 50 cents, the Hakkas purchased parcels of land off Holland Road from the Straits Settlements government for their ancestral temple (Sanyi Ci 三邑祠) and cemetery (Fung Yun Thai Cemetery 丰永大坟山, also known as Yu Shan Teng 毓山亭), with Fun Yun Thai Kongsi (丰永大公司) established to manage the properties.

The kongsi was re-registered as an association in 1906 in order to run the temple, cemetery and small surrounding clusters of Hakka villages effectively. In the fifties, the ancestral temple also functioned as Nam Tong School (南同小学) to provide elementary education for the Hakka children who lost their opportunities to study during the Japanese Occupation.

Acquisition of Cemetery

This lasted until 1977, when the entire cemetery hill was acquired by the Singapore government. Nam Tong School was discontinued, while the Hakka villagers were resettled elsewhere. A compensation of $1 million and a small 6.38 hectares of land, including the site of the temple, was reserved for Fung Yun Thai Association. Exhumation was then carried out four years later. In 1991, a columbarium was constructed within the designated area to house the exhumed ashes.

Together with another Hakka cemetery Ying Fo Fui Kuan, Fung Yun Thai Cemetery was one of two earliest burial grounds in Singapore to be acquired by the government for redevelopment purposes. It was rumoured that Lee Bok Boon, the great-grandfather of former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, was previously buried here, and the move was to demonstrate to other Chinese dialect clans that, should their cemetery hills be also acquired for redevelopment, they would have no reasons to object.

A large canal called Bukit Timah Diversion Canal, constructed in the early seventies, makes its way behind the columbarium. Half a century ago, this was a long stream, with farms and fish-rearing ponds on its either sides. Today, the long canal runs through the vicinity between the Bukit Timah Road Canal and Sungei Ulu Pandan, serving as a reminder of the olden days.

After being left vacated for more than three decades, the grass plain and greenery of Old Holland Road may soon be giving way for more private residential development.

Published: 09 April 2013

Updated: 13 April 2013

60 Years of Community Centres

Community centres are commonly found in the West, especially the United States and the United Kingdom. Largely catering for the needs of the grassroots, some of their oldest community centres were built in the early 20th century. After the Second World War, the British brought the concept of community centres to its oversea colonies such as Australia, Hong Kong and Singapore.

Today, community centres, or CC in short, together with HDB flats and hawker centres, have become representative features of Singapore heartland. In its sixty years of history, the local community centres have evolved from simple zinc-and-wood buildings to sophisticated clubs furnished with different types of modern facilities.

The Early Community Centres (1950s)

When the British returned to Singapore after the war, they wanted to foster the community development in order to dampen the anti-colonial sentiments. The idea of community centres was mooted in the late 1940s, and the task was given to the Department of Social Welfare, which under the instruction of the Colonial Office, started building community centres in the early 1950s.

The first community centres in Singapore were the Serangoon Community Centre and Siglap Community Centre, both officially opened in May 1953. A couple of community centres, such as the Balestier Community Centre, Rochore Community Centre and Alexandra Community Centre, were built as early as 1951, but were only officially opened a few years later, thus losing the honour of being Singapore’s first community centre.

Tiong Bahru Community Centre was unofficially Singapore’s earliest community centre, with its history traced all the way back to 1948. Started as a suburb communal hall, the Tiong Bahru Community Centre’s initial objective was to provide social amenities for the residents of Tiong Bahru. Basketball court, football field and badminton courts were built, while night classes, open-air cinema and even barber service were offered at cheap rates.

By 1951, 13,000 residents at Tiong Bahru district had signed up as members of the community centre to enjoy its facilities. It later became so self-sufficient that it could assist residents’ in funeral works, provide ambulance and civil defence training, and, at one stage, even planned to recruit volunteer police to ensure the security of Tiong Bahru.

The community centre, however, became mismanaged a few years later. In 1956, it was forced to shut down after it became a notorious gambling venue for the residents. The management of the centre was handed over to the Department of Social Welfare, and later to the People’s Association. After a thorough revamp, the community centre was reopened in 1960.

Most of the early community centres were relatively small and simple structures which cost around tens of thousands of dollars in their construction. The larger ones, such as the Bukit Panjang Community Centre and Buona Vista Community Centre built in 1955 and 1956 respectively, cost about $150,000 each.

Built at a cost of $160,000, the Bukit Timah Community Centre, equipped with basketball court, football field, badminton halls, classrooms and a science room, was dubbed as Singapore’s best community centre when it was opened in 1959.

The Roles of Community Centres

When the People’s Action Party (PAP) won the election in 1959 to form the full internal self-government of Singapore, the community centres started to take on many other roles.

Its function as a to-and-fro channel remained; to disseminate information and policies, as well as gather feedback from the grassroots. In addition, social unity, multi-racial harmony and national identity were promoted through nation-building activities at the community centres. Residents mingled with each others. Youths were encouraged to compete through sports and games, so as to reduce the chances of them getting involved with drugs and gangsterism. Pro-communist ideas were also contained as they were kept out of reach to the ordinary folks.

The People’s Association (PA) was established in 1960, taking over the management of community centres from the Department of Social Welfare. Top civil servants and political leaders formed the board that managed PA, whereas grassroots leaders were appointed as members of the Community Centre Management Committee (CCMC), in order to engage with the residents in a more efficient way.

The Rise of Community Centres (1960s)

The 1960s of Singapore represented an eventful decade that was plagued by social instability, protests and riots. It was also glorious moment in history of community centres as more than a hundred of them sprung up like mushrooms in many parts of Singapore.

As many as 60 community centres were established in 1961 alone. Community centres became places to hold celebratory events, such as the Chinese New Year, Hari Raya, National Day (after 1965) and send-off dinners for the early batches of National Servicemen (after 1967). Other common activities included children camps and exhibitions of national campaigns. Inter-community centre games were such as basketball, sepak takraw, and even boxing, became extremely popular.

There were issues, though, faced by the community centres in the early 1960s. Secret society members often infiltrated the centres, while pro-communist groups tried their means to enter the organisation and management committees. The communist supporters even gathered and camped at the entrance of the PA’s headquarters, forcing the PA to shift its operations temporarily to the Department of Social Welfare at Havelock Road.

Chinese-educated grassroots leaders, consisting of businessmen, teachers and even shopkeepers and hawkers, were the key to the struggle against the pro-communist elements. Many contributed effortlessly in time and money in the building of the community centres and the cohesiveness and harmony of the different communities.

In order to ease the demands at the National Library at Stamford Road, the National Library Board kicked off the mobile library services at the rural schools in 1960. By 1964, it was extended to the community centres, with Tanjong Pagar, West Coast, Nee Soon and Bukit Panjang Community Centre among the first to provide such services.

In 1966, a gift of $10,000 grant from the New Zealand government helped the library to purchase more than 20,000 books which were then offered for loan at the mobile library services established at six more community centres (Chong Pang, Changi, Kaki Bukit, Kampong Tengah, Bukit Timah and Paya Lebar). Over the next 30 years, many more community centres were chosen to provide the services.

(Perpustakaan Negara Perkhidmatan Berkereta refers to Mobile National Library Services in Malay)

By 1991, with more public libraries built in the new towns, mobile library services gradually lost their popularity and were eventually stopped for good. Nevertheless, the services were a big success. It had provided many kampong dwellers, especially the kids, the chance and joy of reading.

In February 1963, the first television broadcast, aired by Television Singapura, was held at the Victoria Theatre and Memorial Hall. Many witnessed the historical milestone in more than fifty community centres elsewhere in Singapore that were supplied with television sets, another novelty service offered by the centres.

Two years later, thousands of Singaporeans, cramped in front of the television sets at the community centres, captured the defining moment of former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew speaking in tears upon the announcement of the separation of Malaysia and Singapore.

Between 1966 and 1967, the leading politicians gave dozens of speeches at the community centres to disseminate the idea of compulsory military conscription to the public. Becoming the citizens of a newly independent nation with unknown future, many Singaporeans were feeling a sense of insecurity. The importance of National Service (NS) and the sense of national pride and loyalty were thus emphasized to the people, that Singapore would be able to survive and defend itself.

Send-off dinners and ceremonies of the early batches of National Servicemen were mostly held at the community centres.

Community centres also played an instrumental role during the racial riots in 1964. They provided secure venues where different community leaders came together to discuss plans in defusing the rising racial tensions.

The Kampong Community Centres

In 1959, the self-government of Singapore decided to extend community centres to the rural areas of Singapore. Kenneth Michael Byrne, the former Minister for Labour and Law, suggested nine venues to be given top priority for the construction of community centres.

In addition to relatively urbanised Minto Road and Joo Chiat, Nee Soon Village, Thong Hoe Village, Sembawang, Tuas Village, Kampong Tengah, Jalan Kayu, Kampong Bugis, and later Lan Sam Village (13th milestone, Lim Chu Kang Road) and the new Malay Settlement, were some of the earliest kampongs in Singapore to receive their community centres.

Located at 18th milestone Jurong Road (near junction of AYE and PIE/Tuas Road today), Tuas Community Centre was the westernmost community centre in Singapore in the sixties. When it was first opened, more than 700 villagers, most of them Chinese and Malay fishermen and their families, visited the community centre daily. Civil courses on the improvement methods of fishing and farming were held by the centre for the villagers, while their children joined in the fun with basketball, table tennis and carom.

The community centres at the rural places were mostly simple single-storey zinc-and-wood buildings that cost less than S$10,000 each. Despite their simplicity, they were powered by electricity and water supply. In some cases, the local residents gathered together to build their own community centres, one of which was the Yio Chu Kang Community Centre, being set up in 1956.

A typical kampong community centre usually carried a large black plaque, sometimes white, that listed the community centre’s name in four main languages of Singapore. A flag pole with the Singapore flag would be standing in front of the building. Those larger kampong community centre would have a basketball court or a sepak takraw court, or an outdoor television set mounted on a tall frame. By night fall, the benches were filled up quickly by eager residents from the nearby kampongs to watch their favourite TV programs.

By the late eighties, most of the rural community centres were demolished together with the kampongs. Many of them, with their unique and colourful names such as Malay Farm, Boh Sua Tian, Hun Yeang Village, Jin Ai Village, Ong Lye Sua (黄梨山), Tua Pek Kong Kow (大伯公口), Khe Bong Village, Lam Tong Village, Kampong Jagor, Kampong Chu Ban San, Kampong Heap Guan San and Plantation Avenue Village (see “List of Community Centres” below), had vanished in the rapid progress of Singapore.

Reaching Out to the Islanders

As the government started mass building community centres in the sixties, the residents living on the outlying islands of Singapore were not forgotten. On each island with sizable populations, there was a community centre built. By the late sixties, the community centres at Pulau Semakau, Pulau Bukom Kechil, Pulau Tekong, Pulau Samulun, Pulau Seking, Pulau Seraya and Pulau Ubin were up and running.

In 1960, a community centre was also planned for the detainees at Pulau Senang. Intended for penal experiment, the prisoners on the island were not restricted in their freedoms. Soon, the number of prisoners detained on Pulau Senang grew to more than 300. A large-scaled riot broke out in 1963, resulting in the death of a superintendent and two police officers. The offshore prison was eventually shut down, and the plan of Pulau Senang Community Centre was cancelled.

Pulau Ubin Community Centre started as a small simple community hall in 1961. It was built by the residents of the island, and was converted into a community centre five years later. It occupied a vast area of 1,900 square metres, including a basketball court, the only basketball court on the island, that sometimes functioned as a temporary open-air cinema for the residents.

Throughout its existence, Pulau Ubin Community Centre had witnessed the rise and decline of the island. When the granite quarries were operating at its peak during the seventies, there were several thousands residents and workers living on Pulau Ubin. By the nineties, the island’s population had decreased to only a few hundreds; majority of them elderly folks who had lived on the island for decades.

The community centre was given a renovation in 1993 to replace its wooden-planked walls with brick and concrete. The roof was also upgraded from zinc to tiles. Until its closure in 2003, Pulau Ubin Community Centre was the oldest community centre in Singapore, and was the only remaining community centre found in the outlying islands. Its premises is being utilised as a Volunteer Hub today.

Most of the Southern Islands’ villagers were resettled on mainland Singapore by the late eighties. Likewise, rapid development of new housing estates such as Pasir Ris, Simei and Tampines at the Changi district in the eighties and nineties provided alternative resettlement plans for the residents of Pulau Ubin and Pulau Tekong. Affected by the militarisation of the island, the last batch residents of Pulau Tekong was relocated by the early nineties.

New Generation Community Centres (1970s to 1980s)

For twenty years after independence, Singapore had enjoyed rapid economic growth. It was not until 1985 before Singapore experienced its first economic recession. The two decades of progress had seen many kampongs made way for satellite towns and new housing estates. Thousands of zinc-and-wood houses were demolished, replaced by rows of new public flats.

Likewise, changes were also made to the community centres. By the mid-seventies, the models of single wooden structures for community centres were discontinued. Larger double- or three-storey concrete buildings were built and fitted with modern amenities such as air-condition, general purpose rooms and better sports facilities. New modern courses and classes were also offered to the residents, such as tai chi, fencing, interior decoration, canoeing, yoga, cooking and flower arrangement.

During the seventies and eighties, it was not unusual to have donation drives or building funds, in order to raise funds from the members of the public to build community centres.

The rapid economic growth in the seventies also brought years of inflation to Singapore. Consumer clubs were thus set up in areas such as Chinatown and Chai Chee, in order to help residents to fight inflation by providing basic necessities at low cost.

Moving into the eighties, more emphasis were placed on the designs and facilities of the new generation community centres. Architects and designers were tasked to make the buildings more aesthetically pleasant, and well-equipped gyms, studios, computer labs and function rooms were added.

Each constituency in Singapore was also “assigned” with a key community centre. This was different from the fifties and sixties, where there were hundreds of small community centres stationed in different kampongs. The larger new towns, though, had more than one community centre.

Ang Mo Kio, for example, currently has five community centres (Ang Mo Kio, Teck Ghee, Kebun Baru, Yio Chu Kang and Cheng San) in its six districts. Other earlier centres such as Ang Mo Kio Bo Wen, Chong Boon, Jalan Kayu, Jalan Kayu South and Kampong Cheng San had all ceased to exist.

There are also five modern community centres at Tampines, namely Tampines Central, Tampines Changkat, Tampines East, Tampines North and Tampines West. The old rural Tampines before the eighties had as many as seven community centres, including Tampines Community Centre (along Tampines Avenue), Hun Yeang Village Community Centre and Teck Hock Community Centre.

Excursions to places of interest and oversea trips were common activities organised by community centres especially in the eighties when Singapore’s standard of living improved by leaps and bounds, benefited by years of economic expansion.

Trips to Singapore Zoological Gardens, Van Kleef Aquarium, Haw Par Villa, Pulau Ubin, Kusu Island, Sisters’ Islands, St. John Island, Genting Highland, Desaru, Tioman and Batam were often met with overwhelming responses and high participation rates from the residents.

Upgrading to Community Clubs (1990s to Present)

Since 1990, many community centres were renamed as community clubs. Signifying a status upgrade, many modern community centres began to function more like recreational and leisure clubs with facilities such as swimming pools, libraries, café and restaurants. The upgrading, however, was not applied to all. Many remained as community centres. A few, like the Aljunied Community Centre along Lorong Ah Soo and Bukit Gombak Community Centre at Bukit Batok West, still have their offices located at the void decks of public flats.

Community bonding and social harmony, however, still remained as the top objectives for community centres and clubs.

Community Centres… A Political Tool?

Even though their importance may look less significant today, the fact that community centres have played a crucial role in assisting PAP’s status as the dominant ruling party of Singapore for more than five decades is undeniable. Together with other grassroots organisations like the Residents’ Committees (RCs), they easily reach out to the low- and middle-class of the Singapore population.

When it comes to politics, the roles of community centres become complicated. Their primary objective is to serve the community of Singapore, yet their management by PA ensures PAP gets the advantage. The opposition parties have difficulties in their participation in PAP-controlled wards, while in their own constituencies, the community centres are run by grassroots advisers from PAP.

Despite the flaws, the community centres aim to continue doing their part in reducing the disparity between the rich and poor. In his book, former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew highlighted the importance of such social outlets in the midst of Singapore’s growth and progress. It ensures that the ordinary and poor have equal chance of using facilities provided by the community centres. While the rich have their exclusive private clubs, no Singaporeans should be denied a place to play sports, use computers or read books.

After six decades of existence, how will the community centres evolve in the future?

Community Centres A to Z

Below is the list of community centres, in alphabetical order, of the past and present. Today, a total of 106 community centres can be found in almost every part of Singapore. The names in red refer to the community centres that are functioning today, while those in green refer to the community centres once found on the outlying islands of Singapore.

Published: 24 March 2013

Printing and Minting: The Singapore Dollars and Coins

The Monetary Authority of Singapore (MAS) has just announced that the new set of Singapore coins will be introduced in mid-2013. Belonging to the Third Series since independence, the designs of the new coins feature five of Singapore’s most iconic landmarks: the Merlion, Port of Singapore, Changi Airport, HDB Flats and the Esplanade.

MAS was given the right to issue Singapore dollar notes and coins in October 2002 after its merger with the Board of Commissioners of Currency, Singapore (BCCS). Previously, the BCCS, set up in 1967 under the Currency Act, was the main body of currency issuance. Before the circulation of the first series of Singapore notes and coins, Singapore had been using a common currency issued by the Board of Commissioners of Currency, Malaya and British Borneo between 1953 and 1967. The new currency system of Singapore signified the full independence of the nation from the British.

The Singapore Mint

In 1968, to maintain a high standard of precision engineering and security, the Singapore Mint was established by the former Minister for Finance Dr Goh Keng Swee for the minting of Singapore coins. The following year, it issued Singapore’s first commemorative coin to celebrate the 150th year of the founding of Singapore  (in 1819). It was a 22-carat gold coin that featured the Raffles Lighthouse.

The high quality of the Singapore Mint became internationally well-known in the seventies. Other countries and regions, such as the Philippines, Nepal, the Western Samoa, and later Macau, Cook Islands and Brunei, approached Singapore for the minting of their own circulation coins. In 1975 and 1977, two sets of commemorative coins were launched to mark the 10th year anniversaries of Singapore’s independence and its membership to the Association of the Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) respectively.

Other than the core business of coin minting, the Singapore Mint also took on other businesses such as minting of military medals and memorabilia for private companies. Entering privatisation in the eighties, the Singapore Mint began to focus in production, design, packaging and marketing.

More commemorative coins were launched to mark the important milestones in the progress of Singapore, such as the official opening of the Changi Airport (1981), the completion of the Benjamin Sheares Bridge (1982), 25th anniversary of HDB (1985) and the success of MRT (1989).

One popular collection of commemorative coins introduced was the lunar coin series, first started in 1981 with the Year of the Rooster coin. Since then, it had become one of the longest series, with an animal of the Chinese Zodiac (Rat, Ox, Tiger, Rabbit, Dragon, Snake, Horse, Goat, Monkey, Rooster, Dog and Pig) designed, minted and sold to the public every year.

The Singapore Coins - Marine Series

Singapore’s first set of coins was launched in 20 November 1967, about five months after the introduction of its first set of dollar notes. The denomination of the coins ranged from 1-cent to $1, with designs of public housing (1-cent), snake-bird (5-cent), sea horse (10-cent), swordfish (20-cent), lionfish (50-cent) and a Singapore-styled lion ($1).

In 1971, the Singapore Mint also issued a limited edition of a FAO 5-cent coin to the public. It was to mark Singapore’s participation in the Food and Agricultural Organisation (FAO), and the coin was designed with a fish and wordings of “INCREASE PRODUCTION” and “MORE FOOD FROM THE SEA”. Made of aluminum, the 1.24g coin was even lighter than the normal 5-cent coins, even though it was almost as large as the 20-cent coin. Due to its limited quantity, light weight and a large size for a 5-cent coin, many people thought it was a counterfeit coin.

The Singapore Coins – Floral Series

In December 1985, the Singapore Mint introduced Singapore’s second coin series. New 5-cent to 50-cent coins were issued with designs of flowers and plants on the faces. The fruit salad plant, star jasmine, powder-puff plant and the yellow allamanda were chosen for the 5-cent, 10-cent, 20-cent and 50-cent coins respectively.

The 1-cent and $1 coin of the ‘flora series’ were issued only almost two years later, in September 1987, with face designs of Singapore’s national flower Vanda Miss Joaquim (1-cent) and the periwinkle ($1). The $1 coin was also the first design of a Singapore coin with an octagonal frame, which led to the famous feng shui and bagua rumours.

The current ‘flora series’ coins are expected to be phased out by 2017, replaced by the new third series coins. Interestingly, the design of an octagonal frame is retained on the new $1 coin.

The Singapore Notes – Orchid Series

The ‘orchid series’ Singapore dollar notes were the first set of currency notes issued by Singapore. Six denominations of $1, $5, $10, $50, $100 and $1,000 were launched first, in June 1967, followed by $25, $500 and $10,000 denominations in August 1972 and January 1973.

Various types of orchids were chosen as designs for the faces of the ‘orchid series notes, whereas the back designs consisted of public housing ($1), Singapore River ($5), four grasped hands ($10), Supreme Court building ($25), Clifford Pier ($50), Singapore waterfront ($100), Government Offices ($500), Victoria Theatre ($1,000) and The Istana ($10,000).

The $10 design had perhaps the most iconic design, with its striking red background and the four grasped hands that represents the racial harmony and unity among Singapore’s four main races. It signified the importance of a stable society that was much needed in the sixties just after the country’s independence.

Till date, the $25 ‘orchid series’ note was the only denomination of its kind in Singapore currency.

The Singapore Notes – Bird Series

Between August 1976 and February 1980, Singapore’s second note series were issued. The ‘bird series’, as its name suggested, involved a range of bird designs on the faces on the dollar notes, including kingfisher, sunbird, oriole and eagle.

At the back, there were designs of National Day Parade ($1), cable cars ($5), Garden City ($10), Changi Airport and Concorde ($20), school music band ($50), ethics group dancers ($100), oil refinery ($500), container terminal ($1,000) and the Singapore River ($10,000). The new back designs of the ‘bird series’ notes demonstrated the rapid progress enjoyed by Singapore in the seventies.

The previous $25 denomination note of the ‘orchid series’ was replaced by a new $20 denomination ‘bird series’ note.

The Singapore Notes – Ship Series

The third series of the Singapore dollar notes was introduced between October 1984 and August 1989. Boats and ships ranging from tongkangs and twakows, used to be commonly found at the Singapore River in the eighties, to the huge cargo container “Neptune Garnet”, were used for the face designs of the dollar notes.

The $20 denomination was disused in the third series, but a new $2 denomination was added to the ‘ship series’ in January 1991. Designed with reddish orange background, the new $2 dollar note caused confusion among the public, due to the similarity in the colour with the $10 note. In December 1991, a purple variation of the $2 note was issued.

The likes of Changi Airport, Benjamin Sheares Bridge, PSA Container Terminal and Sentosa Satellite Earth Station were featured in the back designs of the third series notes to reflect the economic success of Singapore in the eighties.

In 1990, Singapore issued its first polymer dollar note to celebrate its 25 years of independence. It was only two years after Australia became the first country in the world to introduce polymer currency. The $50 polymer notes, however, were for commemorative purpose and printed in limited quantities. It was not until the mid-2000s before polymer currency was widely used for circulation in Singapore.

The Singapore Notes – Portrait Series

In conjunction with the Millennium celebration, Singapore issued its fourth and current series of dollar notes in September 1999. Known as the ‘portrait series, it features the portrait of Singapore’s first president Encik Yusof bin Ishak (1910-1970) on the face designs of every denomination.

Some significant changes made to the new series are the discontinuation of the $1 dollar note and the introduction of polymer currency. By the mid-2000s, the polymer notes in the denomination of $2, $5 and $10 portrait series notes became available for circulation. The higher denomination, however, remained printed in paper forms.

The Early Currency

When Sir Stamford Raffles established Singapore as free port in 1819, trading flourished rapidly, with the Chinese, Indian, Arab and European merchants preferring to deal mainly in the Spanish and Mexican silver dollars due to their high silver content.

The first coin in circulation in Singapore was minted in 1824 by the Calcutta Mint of India. The valuation was fixed at 1/3-cent and 1/30-dollar, but the quality of the coins was poor, resulting in a brief circulation before they were gradually phased out.

After the establishment of the Straits Settlements in 1826, the British East India Company, which also administrated the Indian subcontinent, enforced the Indian silver rupee as the sole legal currency in Singapore and Malaya. Meanwhile, in the 1850s, private banks such as Asiatic Banking Corporation, Oriental Bank Corporation, Chartered Mercantile Bank of India, London & China and Hong Kong and Shanghai Banking Corporation (HSBC) began to issue their own currency notes. These were the first paper currency used in Singapore.

In April 1867, the Straits Settlements were placed under direct British rule as the Crown Colony. The Indian silver rupee was abandoned and replaced by the silver dollars as the legal tender currency. This lasted until 1903 when the standardised Straits Dollars were issued.

The British Malayan Currency

In October 1938, the Commissioners of Currency, Malaya was established. British financial administrator Sir Basil Blackett (1882-1935) had earlier published a report, later known as the Blackett Report, on the feasibility of the Straits Settlement currency.

Legalised by the government of the Straits Settlement, the Malay states and Brunei, the board started issuing a common currency for circulation within Malaya and Brunei. The currency system would later extend to Sarawak and North Borneo in 1953.

The Banana Notes

The Japanese forces began their invasion of Malaya at the end of 1941, and by February 1942, the conquest of the entire peninsular was completed with the surrender of Singapore. At the start, the Japanese invasion currency, officially known as the Southern Development Bank Notes, were serial-numbered dollar notes in denominations of $1, $5 and $10, and were intended to be circulated together with the existing British Malayan currency.

After the Japanese strengthened their foothold in Malaya, the British Malayan currency were forced to be obsolete, and replaced by new Japanese notes ranging from 1-cent to 50-cent. In the later years of the Second World War, the Japanese authorities printed large amount of money to support their military causes. Serial numbers were abandoned, resulting in hyperinflation and steep depreciation of the currency.

By August 1945, the Japanese invasion currency became worthless due to an imminent surrender of Japan. Tens of thousands of locals rushed to dump their money in exchange of the old currency, provisions or other assets. Many became bankrupt, while others who had secretly kept their old Malayan money benefited by the return of the British.

The Japanese invasion currency used in Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, North Borneo and Brunei would later popularly known as the banana notes, due to the designs of banana trees on the face of the $10 dollar note.

The Common Currency

With Sarawak and North Borneo established as British crown colonies after the Second World War, the Board of Commissioners of Currency, Malaya, was restructured in 1952 to become the Board of Commissioners of Currency, Malaya and British Borneo, and was given the sole right to issue dollars and coins for Malaya, Singapore, Sarawak, British North Borneo and Brunei.

Bearing the image of the British monarch Queen Elizabeth II, the common currency lasted until 1967 and signified the British influence over Malaya and Borneo, even though the Federation of Malaya achieved independence in 31 August 1957.

In a bid to demonstrate independent sovereignty and to welcome the new era, the Malayan government introduced a new currency design in March 1959.

In June 1967, the currency used commonly by the Federation of Malaysia, Singapore and Brunei was discontinued with each country’s establishment of its own currency system, although the common currency remained legal tender for a further two years. The Board of Commissioners of Currency, Malaya and British Borneo, finally ceased its operation in November 1979.

The Interchangeability Agreement

In order to boost trade relations and economic ties, an Interchangeability Agreement was adopted by the three countries, in which the currencies of the three countries were allowed to interchange at a fixed rate.

This tripartite agreement, however, lasted until 1973 when Malaysia decided to opt out, but Singapore and Brunei continue the agreement till present day.

To mark the 40th anniversary of the Interchangeability Agreement between Singapore and Brunei, a set of commemorative $20 dollar notes was launched in 2007.

Published: 24 February 2013

Singapore Campaigns of the 70s/80s

With intensive usage of media, campaigns are launched to achieve certain particular goals, usually in a political, social or commercial sense. Sometimes, a campaign represents an era, and some of its posters go on to become iconic representations that are even remembered after decades. One of the examples is the United States’ “I Want You For U.S. Army” poster in 1917.

Campaigns are meant to have a long term impact. However, human errors, wrong judgement or a lack of foresight during the introduction of campaigns can sometimes lead to failures or even disasters to the country. In 1958, the new China launched the Four Pests Campaign in a bid to eliminate rats, flies, mosquitoes and sparrows. The sparrows were targeted because they ate the farmers’ grain seeds. In a short time, millions of Chinese were mobilised for the campaign. Sparrows, as well as other birds, were shot, with their nests and eggs destroyed. Soon, the Chinese government realised that, besides eating grains, sparrows were also natural predators to many insects. It was too late then. By 1960, rice farms in China were swarmed by locusts, leading to the Great Chinese Famine in which millions died of starvation.

Singapore had launched over 200 campaigns in the seventies and eighties. Many of these campaigns had positive effects, even till today, such as water-saving, anti-smoking and anti-littering. Below are some of the most memorable Singapore campaigns of the past.

National Courtesy Campaign (1979-2001)

Started by the Ministry of Culture (later Ministry of Information, Communications and the Arts, and now Ministry of Communications and Information) in June 1979, the objective of the campaign was to promote a pleasant living environment filled with kind, considerate and polite Singaporeans.

The courtesy campaign was actually kicked off much earlier in the seventies, when Singapore was focusing in developing its tourism sector. Launched by the Singapore Tourism Promotion Board (STPB) to encourage Singaporeans to be polite to the tourists, the successful campaign was “extended” to all aspects so that courtesy and thoughtfulness could be spontaneous characteristics in Singaporeans’ everyday life.

In 1982, the National Courtesy Campaign adopted Singa the Courtesy Lion as their official mascot to replace their Smilely logo. Singa went on to become one of Singapore’s most recognisable mascots in the eighties and nineties, and the designer even added a female companion and three little cubs for Singa in 1987.

Since its debut, the National Courtesy Campaign has introduced many catchy slogans. The first was “Courtesy is our way of life. Make courtesy our way of life.” in 1979, while other popular ones included “A little thought means so much. Bring on a smile. Say “Please/Thank You” (1985) and “Courtesy begins with me” (1989).

A song named “Make courtesy our way of life” was also composed in 1980 by De Souza J.J.

“Courtesy is for free,
Courtesy is for you and me.
It makes for gracious living and harmony.
Giving a friendly smile,
Helping out where we can.
Trying hard to be polite all the time.

Courtesy is for free,
Courtesy is for you and me.
It makes for gracious living and harmony.
Living could be a treat,
If people are awfully sweet.
Courtesy could be our way of life.

It is rude to be abusive,
Just to prove we’re right.
Instead we could be nice about it if we tried.

Courtesy is for free,
Courtesy is for you and me.
It makes for gracious living and harmony.
Living could be a treat,
If people are awfully sweet.
Courtesy could be our way of life.

Make courtesy our way of life!”

The music clip is available at http://music.nl.sg/album/play.aspx?id=2966 (It may take a minute for the player to load).

In March 2001, the National Courtesy Campaign was officially replaced by the Singapore Kindness Movement (SKM). Former Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong highlighted in the New Year of 1996 that Singapore aimed to become a gracious society by the 21st century.

Stop At Two (1970-1986)

The poster with two sisters sharing an apple under an umbrella was perhaps the most iconic media representing Singapore’s population control campaign of the seventies and eighties.

After the Second World War, Singapore experienced a post-war baby boom. Overcrowding became a social issue, leading to various problems in housing, education, medical and sanitation. After Singapore’s independence, former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew was concerned that the uncontrolled growing population would put stress on the economy of a developing Singapore. Thus, the National Family Programme was launched with the Family Planning and Population Board (FPPB) established in 1966.

The campaign reached its peak after 1970, when abortion and sterilisation were legalised. Women deemed low-educated with low incomes were urged to go for sterilisation after their second child, and a range of disincentives, such as lesser benefits in maternity leaves, housing allocations, tax deductions and children’s educations, was implemented for those had three or more. The campaign also aimed to discourage families to stop trying for a boy after having two girls.

It was perceived that the “Stop At Two” campaign was targeted at the uneducated batch of citizens who were deemed to contribute lesser to the economy. The introduction of the Graduate Mothers’ Scheme in 1984 provided further proof when the government encouraged the male Singaporeans to choose higher-educated wives and gave out more incentives for higher-educated mothers to have three or more children. Causing an uproar in the public and press, the scheme was eventually scrapped a year later.

The Graduate Mothers’ Scheme was the beginning of the reversal of the population control scheme. In 1986, the Family Planning and Population Board was abolished, and a new campaign “Have Three or More, if you can afford it” was launched. It was predicted that Singapore’s birth rate would recover by 1995. But it never did.

Some critics note that even without the population control campaigns, Singapore’s birth rate would still decline as the society became more developed. The rising number of higher-educated individuals who were less willing to start a family at an early age would be unavoidable. In any case, it was obvious that the campaign had lasting effects even till today. In recent years, the government relaxed its immigration policy in a bid to battle against an aging population and a shrinking workforce in Singapore, a move that proves to be hugely unpopular among the Singaporeans.

Speak Mandarin Campaign (since 1979)

The Speak Mandarin Campaign was officially started in September 1979 by former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew. Originally designed as a ten-year program, the campaign was headed by Dr Ow Chin Hock and was targeted at the Singaporean Chinese, which made up almost 3/4 of the country’s population.

The early Chinese immigrants in Singapore largely came from the southern provinces of China, and spoke mainly in dialects such as Hokkien, Cantonese, Teochew, Hakka, Hainanese and Hockchew. In the 19th century, different Chinese communities often clashed against each others over territories and businesses. One of the major conflicts was the Hokkien-Teochew Riots in 1854, which lasted 10 days and caused 500 casualties. The differences between the various dialect groups became less defined by the late 1930s, when the oversea Chinese united together to aid China financially against the invasion of Japan.

In the late seventies, English was determined as the mainstream for a bilingual education in Singapore, with “mother tongue” used as the second language. Mandarin was deemed as the mother tongue for all Singaporean Chinese. Slogans and posters were put up in public places, while civil servants were ordered not to use dialects during working hours. Parents were encouraged to use hanyu pinyin names for their children, instead of names in dialects. Dramas, movies and radio programs in dialects were gradually phased out, with only a few exceptions.

The classic theme song of the early Speak Mandarin Campaign “大家说华语” was definitely memorable for many Singaporeans growing up in the eighties. The song was composed in 1980 by Taiwanese composers Feng Qingxi (music) and Sun Yi (lyrics), and performed by Taiwanese songbird Tracy Huang Yingying.

国家要进步 语言要沟通
就从今天起 大家说华语
不分男和女 不分老和少
不再用方言 大家说华语
听一听 记一记
开口说几句 多亲切 多便利
简单又容易

The government attempted to change the names of some places in Singapore to the standard Chinese hanyu pinyin format in the late eighties. The move was, however, backfired, when there were numerous complaints about the renaming of Nee Soon, Tekka and Bukit Panjang to Yishun, Zhujiao and Zhenghua respectively.

By the nineties, the Speak Mandarin Campaign had a change of objective. It was targeted at a growing number of working class and professionals who preferred to use English solely as their spoken language. The government became worried that this group of Singaporean Chinese, who had received the mainstream English education in their early days, were beginning to lose their roots in the Chinese heritage and culture. It also created a divided society, where the English-speaking population looked down on their fellow Chinese-educated and lower-income Singaporeans.

Chinese dialects, along with Malay and some local expressions, largely make up Singlish, the localised language that is easily identifiable among the Singaporeans themselves. In order to encourage Singaporeans to speak proper English, former Prime Minister Goh Chok Tong launched the Speak Good English Movement (SGEM) in 2000. However, studies had shown that many Singaporeans are able to switch between standard English and localised English (Singlish) easily, and therefore Singlish, as an unofficial yet important ingredient of an unique Singapore identity, should not be suppressed or eliminated.

The Speak Mandarin Campaign has been a controversy since its introduction. Some critics view it as a propaganda tool to eliminate the Chinese dialects. It was a dilemma for the Singapore government in the seventies. While it was great foresight to predict the rise of China and the importance of Mandarin as a common language, the danger of Chinese-dominated institutes being used as breeding grounds for communist ideas meant that the authority was always quick to act.

Chinese dialects in Singapore has been in an awkward status for many years. While the likes of Cantonese operas and Teochew wayangs were not restricted in public places, mainstream media such as television and radio were banned, with few exceptions, from broadcasting programs in dialects since the early eighties. Hong Kong and Taiwanese dramas are not allowed to be shown on TVs in their original Cantonese and Taiwanese Hokkien (Minnan), and have to be dubbed in Mandarin. Such rules, however, are not applied on foreign-language dramas from Japan and Korea, which gave audiences an option in dual sounds. Likewise, J-pop and K-pop music are allowed to be aired on radio, but not Cantopop and Taiwanese Hokkien songs.

In just two decades between 1980 and 2000, the usage of Chinese dialects at home had dropped from 80% to 30%, resulting in the current situation where the majority of the new generation of Singaporeans having difficulties to engage in conversations with their grandparents.

Keep Singapore Clean Campaign (1968-1990)

Started as early as October 1968 by former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew, the Keep Singapore Clean Campaign was one of the first campaigns launched by the government. Various ministries and non-government organisations were involved, led by then Health Minister Chua Sian Chin, to instill the importance and awareness of environmental cleanliness to the public. The objective was to make Singapore the cleanest city in the region, in order to boost tourism and the attraction of foreign investment.

The Keep Singapore Clean Campaign had a positive impact throughout the years, tackling many issues such as mosquitoes, pollution, inconsiderate littering, street hawkers and sanitation. Posters and banners were displayed, while seminars and spot checks were carried out. Competitions such as the cleanest offices, toilets, buses and taxis were organised. On the other hand, the dirties places were also named in the media so as to apply social pressure to their owners.

A decade-long campaign was also launched between 1977 and 1987 to clean up the Singapore River and the Kallang Basin. By the mid-eighties, most tongkangs and twakows in the Singapore River were cleared, and garbage in the waters removed. The river was clean enough that a mass swim was organised in 1984.

The success of the campaign ensured its continuity till today. It was merged with the Garden City Campaign in 1990, and into the 2000s, it evolved to become the Clean and Green Singapore, which aims to inspire Singaporeans in caring and protecting the living environment.

Public Health Campaign (since 1969)

Public health was one of the top priorities in the government’s agendas after independence. It first covered areas such as dental, heart, disease control, anti-drug abuse, and later extended to anti-smoking, AIDS, mental, workplace health promotion and healthy lifestyle.

Dental Health

The Ministry of Health kicked off the Dental Health Programme in 1969. The standard of dental hygiene was poor in the sixties, with reports indicating that half of Singapore’s population was unaware of proper tooth-brushing, and half of the students did not own toothbrushes. Compulsory tooth-brushing was therefore carried out in all primary one across the country. Students were supplied with toothbrushes and mugs, while teachers were trained to teach proper techniques to their classes. The exercise was a success; in 1973, the programme was extended to all kindergartens in Singapore.

National Heart Week

With the establishment of the Singapore National Heart Association (present-day Singapore Heart Foundation) in 1970, the National Heart Week has been held annually till today. The aim was to promote the awareness of heart disease, its causes and the preventive measures. Deaths related to cardiovascular diseases had been one of the top killers in Singapore. The campaign touched on various aspects in anti-smoking, a balanced and healthy diet, exercises and effective stress management to help reduce the likelihood of high blood pressure and stroke.

Anti-Drugs

Drug abuse had been a major concern in the seventies. The Ministry of Health worked with the Singapore Anti-Narcotics Association to launch a series of anti-drug abuse campaigns to emphasize the dangers and consequences of drugs. From the “Youth Anti-drug” (1971) and “Against Glue-Sniffing and Inhalant Abuse“(1985) to the annual National Anti-Drug Campaign (since 1995), the campaigns had invited showbiz celebrities such as Andy Lau, James Lye and Chen Hanwei to spread the message.

Wash Your Hands

By the seventies, infectious diseases such as tuberculosis, leprosy and cholera were still plaguing the society. The Ministry of Health introduced “Wash Your Hands” campaign to promote self hygiene, disease control and the proper handling of food, especially after visiting the toilets. The relocation of street hawkers took place in the early seventies, with the first hawker centre built (1971) at Yung Sheng of Jurong.

By the eighties, most hawkers plying their trades on the streets were resettled at the new wet markets and hawker centres across the island. There was also significant improvement in the sanitation system. The nightsoil removal service was phased out in January 1987, with the bucket latrine becoming a thing of the past. The measures implemented by the Keep Singapore Clean and Public Health campaigns had greatly improved the cleanliness, hygiene and public health of Singapore.

As the standard of living in Singapore gradually improved in the eighties, the focus of public health shifted towards keeping fit, healthy diets, anti-smoking and the benefits of breastfeeding.

Anti-Smoking

One of the campaigns that had little impact since its introduction was the National Smoking Control Programme, started in December 1986 with an objective to make Singapore a nation without smokers. The sale of cigarettes rose dramatically in the seventies and eighties, reaching more than 4 million kg per year. The number of smoke-related deaths, caused by heart disease, lung and nose cancer, also jumped, prompting the Ministry of Health to act.

Other than the aggressive campaign of anti-smoking, the government also issued bans of smoking in certain public places, as well as tobacco advertisements on newspapers, magazines and television. In the later years, more measures continued to be carried out, such as the compulsory printing of graphic photos of the effects of smoking on cigarette boxes, higher taxes of tobacco and extensive banning of smoking in all public places.

Breastfeeding

In the seventies, breastfeeding by Singaporean mothers had fallen to an all-time low. Studies show that it was due to many women entering the working sector. In 1971, only 28% of high income mothers, and 51% of low income mothers, initiated breastfeeding to their babies, as compared to 85% and 90% in the fifties.

Thus a campaign to promote the benefits of breastfeeding was carried out, but with limited success. While the percentage of high income women who breastfed their babies had increased to 70% by 1980, the low income breastfeeding women dropped to less than 40%.

AIDS Control

While the infectious diseases in tuberculosis, leprosy and cholera were gradually taken under control, the rise of AIDS (Acquired Immuno-Deficiency Syndrome) became a concern in the mid-eighties. AIDS was first discovered by the United States scientists in 1982. The first AIDS-positive case in Singapore was reported in 1985, and the number of such cases increased in a worrying trend. Soon after the first case, the Ministry of Health launched the National AIDS Control Programme to raise awareness of AIDS and HIV (Human Immuno-Deficiency Virus). Many activities were carried out, such as the lifting of the ban of condom advertisements, conducting of blood tests and training of medical and healthcare personnel.

Healthy Lifestyle

The Ministry of Health had consistently encouraged Singaporeans to adopt a healthy lifestyle by emphasizing in food nutrition and regular exercises. One of the first campaigns launched was the Better Food For Better Health Campaign in March 1975. Studies in the eighties show that Singaporeans’ increasing intake of fats had led to a rise in heart diseases and cancers. In 1989, Nutrition Week was introduced. Customers dining in hawker centres were encouraged to request for lesser oil and salt, while school canteens were asked to sell healthier food to students in a bid to battle against obesity.

A series of other health-related campaigns were also launched between the seventies and eighties, such as immunisation for babies, understanding leprosy, awareness against cancer, detection of mental illness and prevention of venereal diseases.

Other than the campaigns mentioned above, there were also dozens of campaigns in other aspects:

Road Safety Campaigns

1970 “Queue Up for Safety and Speed“
1971 “Pedestrian Safety“
1971 “Safe Cycling“
1972 “Road Courtesy“
1974 “Reduce Peak Hour Travel“
1974 “Keep Singapore Accident Free“
1977 “Road Safety For You“
1981 “Seat Belts Save Lives“

Environmental Campaigns

1970 “Tree Planting and Gardening“
1971 “Save Water“
1973 “Keep Our Water Clean“
1973 “National Save Energy“
1974 “Safe Water“
1977 “Energy Conservation“
1981 “Let’s Not Waste Precious Water“
1985 “Let’s Save Precious Water“

Social Campaigns

1970 “Crime Prevention“
1972 “Campaign Against Long Unkempt Hair Among Males“
1973 “Home Safety“
1974 “Police Week“
1974 “Keep Singapore Crime Free“
1983 “Home Accidents Cause Injuries“

Workplace Campaigns

1972 “Industrial Safety and Health“
1974 “Building Construction Safety and Health“
1977 “Safety Month for Metal Workers“
1981 “National Productivity Campaign“
1986 “Civil Service Productivity“

Other Campaigns

1974 “Anti-Profiteering Against Shopkeepers“
1974 “Go-Metric“
1978 “Eat Frozen Fish“
1983 “School’s Saving Campaign“
1983 “Blood Donation Campaign“
1985 “Prevent Unwanted Litters (Pet Sterilisation)“
1985 “Eat Frozen Pork“
1985 “Minimise Cash Transactions (ATM)“
1985 “Do Not Misuse Accident And Emergency Departments“

(Credit: All pictures from the National Archives of Singapore unless otherwise stated)

Published: 18 January 2013

Swimming in the Summer Sun of Singapore

Most of the time, it is either rain or shine in Singapore. Swimming has always been a popular activity for Singaporeans, especially in the hot summer days between March and July, when temperatures sometimes hit as high as 35 degree Celsius.

Here we look at the list of swimming facilities in Singapore since the early 20th century.

The First Public Swimming Pool

The Thirties

The Mount Emily Swimming Complex was the first public pool in Singapore when it was opened in January 1931 by the President of the Municipal Commissioners R.J. Farrer (1873-1956)(See Farrer Park Swimming Complex below). It was converted from an old municipal reservoir built in the 1880s that provided fresh water to the town as well as the Kandang Kerbau (KK) Hospital.

Situated at Upper Wilkie Road, the Mount Emily Swimming Complex, consisting of a large pool 50m long and 12m wide and a maximum depth of 2.3m, was extremely popular in the 1930s, serving almost 8,000 swimming enthusiasts per month. It used water supply from the second municipal reservoir nearby, which in turned used the recycled water for town cleansing and drain flushing.

The swimming pool was occupied by the Japanese during the Second World War, who converted the pool into a seawater type. After the war, the public was still unable to access the pool as it was reserved solely for the British servicemen. In 1946, the Municipality took over and switched the pool back to the fresh water one, and upgraded it with full filtration and chlorination system. After three years of repair and a cost of $36,000, it was finally opened to a delighted public.

Other Early Swimming Pools

The Forties

The Haw-Par Swimming Pool, also known as Pasir Panjang Swimming Pool, was built in the late 1930s and officially opened in October 1940 by the Chinese Consul-General Kao Ling-pai. Costing $50,000 in construction, the pool was considered a modern facility during that era. It had an electric pump to empty and refill the 36.6m by 12.2m pool within a few hours, thus allowing the pool to be fully utilised every day of the year.

The premises of the swimming pool included accommodation for the swimmers, shower baths and changing rooms, and a restaurant and bar to satisfy the visitors’ appetites after their swim. The admission charge to the swimming pool was 10c in its initial years of operation.

Built just before the Second World War at Deptford Road, the Sembawang Swimming Complex was used to serve the British, Australian and New Zealand servicemen and their families. It was later opened to the public but attendance declined sharply in the late eighties, even after its swimming facilities were upgraded in 1984. In 1990, the swimming complex with its other sports facilities were returned to the Singapore Land Authority (formerly Land Office), which in turn, leased it to the US Marines.

The Fifties

The Yan Kit Swimming Complex was the second swimming facility in Singapore opened to the public. Opened in December 1952, it was situated at Yan Kit Road at Tanjong Pagar, where its name was attributed to Look Yan Kit (1849-1931). A Cantonese dentist who first plied his trade in Hong Kong, Look Yan Kit later came to Singapore in 1877 and became a wealthy rubber plantation owner. He was also one of the founding fathers of Kwong Wai Shiu Hospital built in 1910.

The site where Yan Kit Swimming Complex stood was formerly a stretch of the old railway line. It was a densely populated area, in which the swimming pool was surrounded by attap houses between the fifties and seventies. Yan Kit Swimming Complex had witnessed tremendous changes in its surrounding environment in its fifty-odd years’ history. The kampongs were replaced by flats and commercial buildings, while the swimming pool itself was shut down and abandoned after 2001.

The plans to give this aging swimming complex a new lease of life never materialised, as it would cost an estimated $4 million to upgrade the facilities and a further $400,000 for annual maintenance. In 2012, with no alternative plans from both the Singapore Sports Council and the private developers, Yan Kit Swimming Complex was demolished. The empty pools were filled up with concrete, while one of its buildings was preserved.

The Farrer Park Swimming Complex was built in 1957 by the Singapore City Council, a year after the completion of Farrer Park Athletic Centre (FPAC), which was the main training ground for the Singapore national track and field between the fifties and the seventies. Designed by British architect M.E. Crocker, the swimming complex produced one of Singapore’s swimming legends in Ang Peng Siong (see below). For many years, Farrer Park Swimming Complex was supervised by Ang Peng Siong’s father Ang Teck Bee, also an Olympian who had participated in judo in the 1964 Olympics Games.

Farrer Park was named after R.J. Farrer (1873-1956), the former President of the Municipal Commissioners. Farrer had came to Singapore in 1896 at an age of 24, and had held several important posts in other parts of Malaya such as Penang, Kelantan and Ipoh. During his tenure in Singapore, Farrer was in charge of many major projects, such as City Hall, Gunong Pulai waterworks, St. James Power Station and Elgin Bridge. He passed away in his home at St. John Islands in 1956 and was buried at Bidadari Cemetery.

Farrer Park Swimming Complex was shut down in June 2003 after low public utilisation. After its closure, the Singapore Sports Council put the premises up for lease for the private operators.

Due to few sports facilities opened to the public in the fifties, the Singapore City Council decided to building a swimming pool at the former King George V’s Park. It was designed by Crocker, also the designer of Farrer Park Swimming Complex, and was named River Valley Swimming Complex. Officially opened in August 1959, the swimming complex had an Olympic-sized pool and a wading pool, constructed at a cost of $520,000.

After the independence of Singapore, the National Sports Promotion Board and the Singapore Sports Council took over the swimming complex in 1971 and 1973 respectively. As more swimming facilities were built in the new towns in other parts of Singapore, River Valley Swimming Complex went into a decline. Its non-favourable location among commercial buildings and shopping malls meant that few residents would travel far to visit the pools. It was finally shut down in April 2003.

Swimming Pools in the Heartlands

When the Housing and Development Board (HDB) embarked on their projects of public housing estates in the seventies and eighties, swimming facilities, along with other public amenities such as libraries, hawker centres, wet markets and playgrounds, were constructed together with the flats to provide a pleasant and modern living environment for the people.

The Seventies

Almost each new town has its own swimming facilities. Opened in January 1970, the Queenstown Swimming Complex was the first public pool built in a housing estate in Singapore. Designed with a 25m-deep diving pool as well as an Olympic-sized competition pool, Queenstown Swimming Complex was the training ground of the famous water polo team in the seventies.

In 1971, legendary water polo coach Kenneth Kee gathered a group of neighbourhood boys, some of whom could not even swim. Under his strict disciplinary guidance and training regime, the boys emerged as some of Asia’s best water polo players. By the mid-seventies, many Queenstown water polo players represented Singapore in the national team and won many gold medals in the Southeast Asian (SEA) Games.

Soon, other swimming complexes also found their ways into other new towns of Singapore. The next to follow was Toa Payoh Swimming Complex, opened in September 1973. In 1978, the National Survival Swimming Award Scheme was introduced to raise Singaporeans’ proficiency in water survival skills, and students were encouraged to take up swimming lessons as their extra-curriculum activities.

The national mass swim was held at Toa Payoh Swimming Complex in 1978, attracting an impressive 3,561 participants. Singapore was the host of the 12th SEA Games held in 1983, and Toa Payoh Swimming Complex was chosen as the venue of the Games’ swimming events.

Opened in September 1975, Katong Swimming Complex is located along Mountbatten Road and serves the residents at Tanjong Katong and Dakota for more than thirty years. The aging swimming complex has an unique feature; there is a row of animal structures, in shapes of fish, duck and seal, spouting water into the pool.

The Buona Vista Swimming Complex at Holland Drive was opened in September 1976. Also known fondly as the Holland Drive Swimming Complex, it was then considered a modern facility fitted with bi-flow filter system in which the water was continuously drained off the surface and floor of the pool.

Geylang East Swimming Complex was opened in August 1978 at Aljunied Avenue 2. It was closed for several months in 2004 in a massive upgrading project, in which a children waterplay station was added.

Opened in November 1979 and August 1982 respectively, both Delta Swimming Complex and Bukit Merah Swimming Complex shared the responsibility of serving the vast residential region of Redhill, Hendersen, Tiong Bahru and Telok Blangah.

The decision of building the Delta Swimming Complex near Hendersen Road in 1978 caused a massive uproar as HDB planned the swimming complex at the site where an old Buddhist temple stood. Built in 1858, the temple, known as Tang Suahn Kiong San Soh Hoo Chu Buddhist Temple or Kuan Kong Temple, had a rich 120-year history and was extremely popular with its devotees.

The site acquisition notice was served to the temple in 1973, with a compensation amount of $184,000, but the trustees of the temple and its devotees felt that the sacred building should be preserved. In September 1978, three bulldozers were ordered to cover the paths leading to the temple, leading to its isolation and much to the disgust of the public. Policemen were deployed when the bulldozers forced their way in. Eventually, the temple caretakers had to packed up the place and moved.

The Eighties

The larger Bukit Merah Swimming Complex, located beside the Bukit Merah Bus Interchange and occupies a large 21,000 square metres site, consists of three pools and buildings with dome-shaped roofs.

At the start of the eighties, more public swimming facilities were built for the convenience of the residents living in the new housing estates. In a space of three years, six swimming complexes were constructed at some of the biggest upcoming new towns of Singapore, namely the Paya Lebar Swimming Complex (opened in September 1981), Bedok Swimming Complex (December 1981), Kallang Basin Swimming Complex (March 1982), Ang Mo Kio Swimming Complex (May 1982), Bukit Merah Swimming Complex (August 1982) and Clementi Swimming Complex (August 1983).

Unlike many other swimming complexes, the Paya Lebar Swimming Complex was built by the Urban Renewal Authority for the Singapore Sports Council. It was officially opened in September 1981 by then MP for Paya Lebar Sia Kah Hui. Standing along the quiet Aroozoo Road at Upper Serangoon Road, the swimming facilities had less than average number of attendance. It also received negative feedback due to its cleanliness and security. Paya Lebar Swimming Complex was eventually shut down in the 2000s and put up for lease by the Singapore Land Authority (SLA). The premises is now being used as a childcare center.

The design of the distinctive triangular roofs of the red-bricked Ang Mo Kio Swimming Complex, located along Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1, had helped it won the Singapore Institute of Architects’ Architectural Design Award in 1986.

The Clementi Swimming Complex at Clementi Avenue 2 has three swimming pools; two rectangular and one palm-shaped pool. The swimming complex, surrounded by lush greenery, is designed in such a way that its three buildings stand parallel to each other in the southwestern direction.

As more new housing estates were being developed in the late eighties, HDB continued their plan of building swimming facilities in each of the new town centres. The addition of Yio Chu Kang Swimming Complex (opened in July 1986), Hougang Swimming Complex (May 1987), Yishun Swimming Complex (March 1988), Bukit Batok Swimming Complex (April 1988), Woodlands Swimming Complex (August 1989) and Tampines Swimming Complex (December 1989) had brought a total of 11 swimming complexes constructed in a single decade.

The Nineties

In the nineties, only Bishan Swimming Complex (opened in December 1991) and Serangoon Swimming Complex (March 1995) were built. This might be due to the property boom in Singapore in which dozens of condominiums with private swimming facilities mushroomed in many residential parts of Singapore. The property boom first began in the early nineties and reached its peak by 1996, before the bubble was ultimately burst by the Asian financial crisis in 1997.

The New Millennium

Jurong East Swimming Complex (opened in March 2000) became the first public swimming complex to be completed in the new millennium. It was then followed by Choa Chu Kang Swimming Complex (May 2001), Jalan Besar Swimming Complex (June 2003), Jurong West Swimming Complex (November 2006) and Sengkang Swimming Complex (August 2008). The latest is Pasir Ris Swimming Complex (July 2011), bringing the total of public swimming complexes managed by the Singapore Sports Council to 25.

Other Swimming Complexes

There was a swimming facility along Corporation Road in the early seventies known as Jurong Town Swimming Pool. It was managed by the Jurong Town Corporation (JTC), which was responsible in building flats and amenities for its residents working at the developing Jurong industrial area. Also opened to the public for an admission charge of 40c, the swimming pool was renovated and repaired several times until it eventually shut down in the late eighties.

The former Nanyang University became the first tertiary institution in Singapore to have a complete sport complex when its $4.2 million facilities, including an Olympic-sized swimming pool and a 13.5m-deep diving pool, were completed in 1976. In the same year, the Raffles Institution had their own swimming complex officially opened by then Minister for Law & The Environment E.W. Barker.

The Swimming Clubs

Established in 1894, the Singapore Swimming Club was the first swimming club in Singapore. Originally known as the Swimming Club Singapore, it was formed by a group of young European men who had their occasional gatherings at the beach of Tanjong Rhu. An perfect location for swims, sandwiches and tea, the Europeans mooted the idea of having a permanent recreational facility built.

In 1893, the club was formed at an attap house rented from a Malay fisherman. A year later, a nearby bungalow was rented to serve as the clubhouse of about 20 members. Accessibility to the new swimming club was not easy as members had to travel via a sampan from Johnston’s Pier. The Swimming Club Singapore was officially opened in February 1894.

Membership of the club grew steadily, with its membership fee remained at $1 per month over the years. By 1900, there were more than 100 members. In 1931, the club changed its name to Singapore Swimming Club and added a pool to its club facilities. It was a sensational headline in the newspapers of Malaya and Singapore, and membership soon ballooned to 2,000. The prosperity and popularity of the club was, however, disrupted by the Second World War. It never really managed to recover since then, due to the instability of the society and the imminent withdrawal of the British soldiers and their families.

The club first accepted female members in the early 1920s, but it would remain a “white only” club for another 40 years until the independence of Singapore, when former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew ordered all British clubs in Singapore to discontinue their discriminative rules. All races were welcomed to join the club since 1963.

While the Europeans had their Singapore Swimming Club, the local Chinese enjoyed swimming at the Chinese Swimming Club, formed in 1909. First started as a weekly event during Sundays to swim and play water polo at the Tanjong Katong beach, the six local Peranakan babas (Straits Chinese) decided to form a club when other participants joined the water games.

Their clubhouse was first established at Chapel Road, before moving permanently to the current site of Amber Road. In 1939, a new three-storey clubhouse and a 25m concrete seawater-filled swimming pool were built. However, the club met its worst moment during the Second World War when it was occupied by the Japanese forces. The Kempeitai (Japanese Military Police) used the clubhouse as an interrogation building and the platform of the swimming pool as a massacre site of the Chinese.

After the war, the clubhouse was in a derelict state. The turning point of the club was in 1947, when the offering of a life-time membership at $100 helped to attract more than 600 members. With enough funds raised, the club was able to build an Olympic-sized pool in 1951. Today, the Chinese Swimming Club has over 7,000 members and possesses a $27.4-million Sports Complex, completed in 2005.

Other early swimming clubs included the Tiger Swimming Club, Cantonese Swimming Union and the Oversea Chinese Swimming Club, which forms the Singapore Amateur Swimming Association (SASA) in 1939 together with the Singapore Swimming Club, Chinese Swimming Club and YMCA (Young Men’s Christian Association). SASA was renamed as the Singapore Swimming Association (SSA) in 2002.

The Lagoons

The Katong Park Bathing Pagar became one of the locals’ favourite place of leisure when it was opened in December 1931 by W. Bartley, the President of the Municipal Commissioners. The 45m by 30m swimming area was Singapore’s first public swimming enclosure. Its facilities included 40 dressing rooms and a raised platform that extended into the sea. It was a common sight to see kids swimming in their floats, while others enjoyed tanning in the sun.

Another Katong landmark situated near to the bathing pagar was the old Seaview Hotel, built in the mid-1930s. Both the pagar and the hotel were demolished in the sixties due to the land reclamation.

Sentosa Swimming Lagoon was opened in August 1974 as part of the promotion efforts by the Sentosa Development Corporation, established since 1972 for the recreational development of the island.

In the mid-seventies, the Sentosa Development Corporation cooperated with the Port of Singapore Authority (PSA) to develop Kusu Island and Pulau Hantu. Swimming lagoons, jetties and hawker centres were built. However, the plans to turn the islands into holiday resorts did not really went on well. Instead, Kusu Island remains better known as a religious pilgrimage for the devotees, while Pulau Hantu becomes a popular venue for nature lovers.

Constructed at a cost of $4 million, the East Coast Lagoon was opened in April 1976 to the delight of the Marine Parade residents. Formed using a barrier that separated the sea, the oval-shaped lagoon, equivalent to almost 40 Olympic-sized swimming pools, was able to accommodate as many as 6,000 swimmers at any time. The popularity of the lagoon declines in recent years, but the East Coast Lagoon Food Village, situated beside the lagoon, remains as one of the most popular hawker centres in Singapore. The lagoon is currently being used as a ski park.

The Water-Theme Parks

The Big Splash was probably the best known water-theme park in Singapore. Occupying a 2.8 hectare site at East Coast Park, the privately owned recreational centre was opened in 1976 at a cost of $6 million. Its iconic colourful 85m-long waterslides with five lanes of different heights soon became the unmistakable landmark of East Coast.

After more than two decades of operation, the water-theme park was shut down by the mid-2000s due to dwindling attendance and rising cost. In 2008, Big Splash made a comeback, without its already-demolished waterslides. The new Playground @Big Splash was revamped as a lifestyle hub, featuring bars, seafood restaurants and a indoor mini golf course.

While there was Big Splash in the east of Singapore, the western side had Mitsukoshi Garden. Designed with massive waterslides almost equivalent to Big Splash, Mitsukoshi Garden was, however, less well-known as compared to their rival at East Coast. The water-theme park was co-owned by Mitsukoshi Limited, the largest departmental store chain in Japan, Yamakuni Iron Co. Limited and a Singaporean by the name of Akiko Aw.

Located at Jurong Garden Road, Mitsukoshi Garden lasted only four years. It was built in late 1979, but was sold to a Japanese restaurant chain West Overseas Co. Private Limited for $4.5 million in June 1983, which spent a further $3 million in the renovation and addition of restaurants, gymnasium and tennis and squash courts. It was later known as CN West Leisure Park.

Today, the youngsters are more familiar with the Wild Wild Wet at Downtown East.

Swimming Across the Singapore River

The Singapore River used to be the lifeline of the country, where different communities lived and work by the sides of the river. It was also the playground for the kids, who would jump and swim in the waters, as depicted by local sculptor Chong Fah Cheong’s masterpiece “First Generation”.

By the late seventies, the Singapore River, however, had gained a notorious reputation. It was filled with garbage, dead animals, tongkangs and twakows (bumboats). In 1977, former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew launched a decade-long campaign (1977-1987) to clean up the Singapore River and the Kallang Basin.

Pig and poultry farms near the Kallang Basin were phased out, 5,000 street hawkers along the river were resettled at the markets and hawker centres elsewhere, and 800 bumboats were towed to Pasir Panjang.

By 1984, the water in the Singapore River was clean enough that a mass swim was organised in mid-May. Some 400 brave participants took the plunge for the first ever swim across the Singapore River.

It was a rainy day, but the participants, including former Parliamentary Secretary of Education Ho Kah Leong and former Minister of State (Culture) Fong Sip Chee, completed the memorable feat.

Our Swimming Legends

Perhaps the most famous swimmer in Singapore, Ang Peng Siong‘s (born 1962) illustrious swimming career between 1977 and 1993 included being the world’s fastest 50m freestyle swimmer in 1982, won a total of 20 gold medals in the SEA Games and held national records of 50m free style (unbroken), 100m freestyle and 100m butterfly (both held for more than 30 years).

The three-time “Sportsman of the Year” (1982-1984) also clinched a gold medal in the 100m freestyle swimming competition at the 9th Asian Games in India, and represented Singapore in the Olympic Games held in the United States two years later.

“Golden Girl” Patricia Chan Li Yin (born 1954), also fondly known as Pat Chan, was the dominating female swimmer at the early SEA Games. The two-time Olympian won 8 golds at the 3rd SEA Games at an age of only 11. It was the year 1965, when Singapore had just became independent. The new nation was greatly excited by Pat Chan’s remarkable performance, and the national anthem touched many when it was first played at the medal-awarding ceremony.

Pat Chan went to win 29 more gold medals in the next four SEA Games, and a couple of silver and bronze Asian Games 1966 and 1970, before retiring from swimming in 1973. She was only 19 then.

13 year-old Junie Sng Poh Leng (born 1966) caused a stir at the Asian Games at Bangkok in 1978 when she shocked her Japanese opponents by winning two golds and breaking the records in the 400m and 800m freestyle. Three years later, Junie Sng went on to win seven golds in the SEA Games at Manila.

Pat Chan’s national record of 39 golds stood for 32 years until it was overtaken by another “golden girl” Joscelin Yeo Wei Ling (born 1979). Joscelin Yeo first competed in the SEA Games in 1991, winning two silvers and three bronzes. Two years later, she announced her arrival at the region’s swimming arena with a personal best of nine golds and one silver. In the next four SEA Games, Joscelin Yeo bagged a total of 40 golds, the only SEA GAmes athlete to do so.

Swimming Trivia

In 1983, the Singapore Broadcasting Corporation (SBC) produced an eight-episode drama named The Flying Fish (小飞鱼). Dubbed as Singapore’s first idol drama, it catapulted actor Wang Yu Qing to national fame and inspired many youngsters to take up swimming.

A couple of years later, there were three more swimming-related dramas produced (Splash to Victory 绿水英姿 in 1989, The Champion 任我遨游 in 2004 and No Limits 泳闯琴关 2010) but none was as memorable as The Flying Fish.

In December 2010, a 18-year-old recruit serving his Basic Military Training (BMT) at Pulau Tekong tried the unthinkable by attempting to swim towards Singapore mainland. He was picked up by the Police Coast Guard in the waters near Pulau Tekong Kechil.

Published: 10 January 2013

Ang Mo Kio, My Hometown of 25 years

I guess every Singaporean has a story to tell in one way or another… of the place he or she was born and raised. Each story is an unique memory. I’m no exception. My hometown was Ang Mo Kio. If the life expectancy of a Singaporean male is around 79, I’d have spent almost one third of my life living in Ang Mo Kio.

Ang Mo Kio and My Family

My parents moved to Ang Mo Kio in 1979 when I was 3-plus. Previously, we lived in a rental flat at Toa Payoh. The successful balloting came as a delightful surprise as Ang Mo Kio was then an upcoming new town. Costing $13,000, our three-and-a-half room flat was located in a favourable location along Ang Mo Kio Avenue 10, where there were convenient amenities such as hawker centre, wet market and schools within short walking distance.

Most of my peers, including me, grew up living in HDB flats. Not for my parents though, who had lived in kampong during their younger days. My father grew in a humble Hakka village off Old Holland Road, while my mother was from Chia Keng, a Teochew kampong that was formerly located near the present-day Yio Chu Kang Stadium and was demolished in the mid-eighties. Imagine their delight when they moved into a new unit with ready supply of water, electricity and modern sanitation.

Ang Mo Kio… Tomato or Bridge?

For years, there were misconceptions that the name of Ang Mo Kio was derived from the Hokkien term for tomatoes. However, no tomato farms were ever grown in this vicinity.

Thus, the more likely origin of the name came from the bridge purportedly built by the British Government Surveyor John Turnbull Thomson (1821–1884) at the junction of Upper Thomson Road and Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1. Upper Thomson Road was also named after him. Another saying was that there were nine, instead of one, bridges in Ang Mo Kio. They were built by the British military, and therefore being termed “ang mo kio“, which means “Caucasian’s bridge” in Hokkien.

The final explanation was that there were actually two major bridges in the old swampy Ang Mo Kio. One was a wooden bridge and the other was made of concrete. The locals called the bridges as “pang kio” (“wooden bridge” in Hokkien) and “ang mo kio” (“ang mo” here refers to “ang mo huay“, which means “concrete” in Hokkien).

Whether it was one, two or nine bridges, they, along with the swamps, farmlands and villages, had long vanished in the development of Ang Mo Kio New Town.

Ang Mo Kio Districts and Avenues

The earliest plan to build a residential estate at Ang Mo Kio began in 1971. It was initially intended for the small car repair shop owners who had been relocated from the city area. By 1973, it was decided to develop Ang Mo Kio into a new town with self-sufficient facilities. It would be the seventh housing estate in Singapore built by the Housing and Development Board (HDB).

Ang Mo Kio was designed with six neighbourhoods with streets that run perpendicular to each other. As such, it was the first new town in Singapore to be designed in metric dimensions.

There is a total of ten main avenues in Ang Mo Kio. The avenues in odd numbers (Avenue 1, 3, 5 and 9) run from east to west in ascending order, whereas the even-numbered avenues (Avenue 2, 4, 6, 8, 10 and 12) run from north to south.

However, Ang Mo Kio Avenue 7 is missing in the map, which logically should be parallel between Avenue 5 and 9. Did the town planners make a mistake last time? Ang Mo Kio Avenue 7 was mentioned in some history context but its exclusion remains a mystery till today. There is also no Ang Mo Kio Avenue 11 because Yio Chu Kang Road is already running parallel to the north of Ang Mo Kio Avenue 9.

The smaller streets in Ang Mo Kio, on the other hand, are numbered according to the clusters of flats they lead to. Ang Mo Kio Street 52, for example, runs through the neigbourhood with the block numbers began with 500-plus, where Ang Mo Kio Street 44 leads to the 400-plus-numbered flats. This concept is also used in other new towns such as Bishan and Jurong East/West.

The six neighbourhoods in Ang Mo Kio are categorised as Kebun Baru/Mayflower (with blocks numbered 100- and 200-plus), Teck Ghee (block 300-plus), Chong Boon (block 400-plus), Cheng San (block 500-plus), Yio Chu Kang (block 600-plus) and Town Centre (block 700-plus).

Cheng San, in particular, was named after Kampong Cheng San, also known as Cheng Sua Lai (青山内, “Green Hills Interior” in Hokkien), a dominant village that existed in the area between the fifties and seventies. It was made up of many clusters of Hokkien and Teochew villages, as well as some Malay and Indian families. A long track known as Cheng San Road once cut through the vegetation and farmlands in old Ang Mo Kio to link between Upper Thomson Road and Serangoon Gardens.

Other villages included Jio Sua (石山, “Stone Hill”) and Kow Tiow Kio (九条桥, “Nine Bridges”). Jio Sua was an early Hokkien village existed from the late 19th century till the mid-seventies. It was located at present-day Ang Mo Kio Town Garden West and was likely to named after a red sandstone that was found in the vicinity. Farming and quarrying were the main activities then.

Named after the nine bridges built by the British to link Lorong Kinchir over the Kallang River, Kow Tiow Kio was a settlement along present-day Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1 that housed mainly Hokkien, Teochew and Hainanese families. The villagers engaged in vegetable and fruit farming, pig rearing and rubber and coconut plantations. They were resettled in the seventies to Sin Ming, Toa Payoh and other parts of Ang Mo Kio.

There was another smaller village, known as Lak Xun (六巡), located between Track 14 and 16 (both were defunct today) of Yio Chu Kang Road.

Amoy Quee Camp is the only military camp based in Ang Mo Kio. Formerly a British army camp, its name was derived from Kampong Amoy Quee that once dominated this area. The name of the kampong itself arose from the nickname given to the British and Australian soldiers by the locals.

During the pre-independence days, the military personnel living at the Serangoon Gardens would drive through the kampong as a shortcut to the Seletar and Sembawang camps. Their reckless drivings sometimes killed the villagers’ chicken and other livestock. The angry locals thus nicknamed the Caucasians as “ang moh kwee” (“red-haired devils” in Hokkien).

There is also a small housing estate located along Yio Chu Kang Road, considered part of Ang Mo Kio New Town. It is the Teachers’ Housing Estate, completed in 1968 by the Singapore Teachers’ Union (STU). The project aimed to provide affordable housing for the teachers. More than 250 terrace houses were built and priced at around $24,000, which was still a large amount for the teachers then. Eventually only 70% of the houses were sold to teachers.

An interesting trivia about Teachers’ Estate is that all its roads are named after famous poets and philosophers.

Some examples are Li Po Avenue, Tu Fu Avenue, Tung Po Avenue (named after ancient Chinese poets Li Bai 李白, Du Fu 杜甫 and Su Dong Po 苏东坡), Iqbal Avenue (named after Muslim poet Muhammad Iqbal) and Omar Khayyam Avenue (named after Persian poet Omar Khayyam).

Ang Mo Kio and My Schools

My ten years of primary school and secondary school life were spent within Ang Mo Kio. Make it twelve if I included the kindergarten. Unlike today, there were few or no nurseries or pre-education classes in the early eighties. Kids spent most of their time playing with masak-masak (“cooking” in Malay but it generally means “playing with toys” in Singlish context) instead of learning violin, piano or ballet. The financial means of a middle class family then could hardly afford these courses anyway.

My primary school, Chong Li Primary School, used to stand side by side at Ang Mo Kio Avenue 44 with Chong Boon Primary School and Anderson Secondary School, which was also my secondary school.

Anderson Secondary School was formerly located at Steven Road, before moving to Ang Mo Kio in 1984. A decade later, it was shifted to another site at Ang Mo Kio Street 53. By 2000, Chong Boon Primary School was merged with Da Qiao Primary School, while my primary school also vanished after its 2003 merger with Teck Ghee Primary School. The large premises are now occupied by Chong Boon Secondary School.

Other primary schools in Ang Mo Kio that had also vanished were Li Hua Primary School (formerly Lee Hua Chinese School, 1970s-2000), Ang Mo Kio North Primary School (1981-2000), Chong De Primary School (1982-1998), Hong Dao Primary School (1982-2000), Chong Shan Primary School (1982-2001) and Kebun Baru Primary School (1983-2002). Meanwhile, Ai Tong Primary School was located at Ang Mo Kio Avenue 3 between 1981 and 1992.

The current primary schools in Ang Mo Kio include Da Qiao Primary School (formerly Tai Keou School, founded in 1936 at North Bridge Road. Relocated to Ang Mo Kio in 1982), Jing Shan Primary School (formerly Cheng San School, established in 1945 at Kampong Cheng San), Ang Mo Kio Primary School (since 1978), Mayflower Primary School (since 1979), Townsville Primary School (since 1982) and Anderson Primary School (since 2000).

The days of primary school had got to be the best moments in my life. Those were the happy memories in playing gor li (marbles) and hantam bola during recesses, exchanging Panini stickers with classmates, catching guppies in nearby longkang and doing projects in order to earn that Zoologist science badge. We also had school excursions at Sentosa (riding the monorail) and Haw Par Villa (which gave me nightmares for many nights).

Ang Mo Kio Town Centre

Ang Mo Kio Town Centre, or fondly known as Ang Mo Kio Central/Centre, is a bustling self-sufficient neighbourhood since its development in the late seventies. Also one of the largest town centres in Singapore, it was built on a low-lying location in-between small hillocks on the eastern and western flanks. The hilly parts of Ang Mo Kio are still visible today at Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East and Ang Mo Kio Town Garden West.

In the eighties and early nineties, residents from the neighbouring Bishan, Yishun and Sembawang would flock to Ang Mo Kio to shop, dine and catch movies, because the shopping facilities in their respective housing estates were not fully developed yet.

Beautifully lit up at nights, the large fountain was perhaps the most famous landmark of Ang Mo Kio Town Centre in the eighties. Its water, however, was drained away sometime in the nineties, leaving the fountain emptied and unmaintained. Slowly forgotten over the years, it was eventually demolished.

The Oriental Emporium dominated the local retailer sector in the eighties. Being one of the largest and upcoming housing estates in Singapore, Ang Mo Kio was unsurprisingly chosen by the departmental giant for the location of one of its outlets. It had a grand opening at the town centre on the 28th March of 1980. Selling a large variety of products, Oriental Emporium became one of Singaporeans’ favourite shopping destination in the eighties.

Owned by the Emporium Holdings Group, the former Oriental Palace Restaurant was also a popular venue in Ang Mo Kio for the hosting of wedding and birthday celebration dinners. To enjoy yum cha (morning tea in Cantonese) at the restaurant on a Sunday morning was a treat then; something that I looked forward to if my parents had a lucky strike in 4D.

One of the my favourite places at the Ang Mo Kio Town Centre during my childhood was the children’s traffic garden. It was like a mini version of the Road Safety Park at East Coast. Beside small bicycles, there were the more popular battery-powered “motorbikes” and “cars” for kids. I could not remember the cost of each ride. It was probably 50c for a 10-minute ride.

After the traffic garden was demolished, the vendor still operated his business elsewhere at the town centre. The kids were then free to roam around in their miniature vehicles. Such vendors could still be seen today at other places such as the Bukit Merah Town Centre.

There used to be four cinemas at the Ang Mo Kio town centre. The earliest was the Ang Mo Kio Cinema, but it was gone by the mid-eighties and its premises was converted into the Big Mac Centre today.

The other three cinemas, Broadway, Jubilee and New Crown/New Town, had found their ways into Ang Mo Kio heartland in the eighties and nineties. Owned by Cathay, Eng Wah and other cinema operators, they provided cheap and convenient access to the popular Hong Kong and Hollywood movies for the residents and students.

I could not remember how many Stephen Chow and other Hong Kong movies I had watched at those cinemas. Broadway Cinema was located just opposite the Ang Mo Kio Central Market and Food Centre, which served delicious satay beehoon, carrot cake, Hokkien mee and other local delights.

There was also a popular second-hand book store beside the Ang Mo Kio Central Food Centre that had been around for some twenty years. However, it was shut down for good after the renovation of the hawker centre a few years back.

During my school days, I used to patronise the arcade game shop at the building which housed the New Crown/New Town cinema. The Korean buffet restaurant Seoul Gardens used to run its business at its premises too. After the cinema ceased its operation, the entire building was painted red and became known as the New Crown Building. It was then demolished in mid-2012.

Jubilee Cinema was the smallest of the trio in the nineties. Its building was easily identifiable with the large Pizza Hut logo. Located next to it was (and still is) the large S11 kopitiam, ensuring the late night movie-goers would not go home with hungry stomachs. The building is now a little shopping mall called Jubilee Square.

The Ang Mo Kio Public Library was officially opened in August 1985 after four years of planning and two years of construction. Formerly known as Ang Mo Kio Branch Library, it was the fifth branch library to be built in Singapore. Before the completion of Ang Mo Kio library, a small mobile library was temporarily set up at Block 528 for the residents. Otherwise, the residents had to travel to the Toa Payoh library for books and other materials.

Filled with many retail shops, the Ang Mo Kio Town Centre was the favourite destination for me to hang around after school. I could spend hours walking around hunting for cassettes (and music CDs in the later times), comics, shoes and “friendly” versions of PC games. Or playing Virtua Striker at the arcade. Or simply enjoying a frosted mug of root beer float at the A&W restaurant with friends.

Ang Mo Kio Bus Interchange and MRT

Feeder bus service 261 that loops around my old home has got to be the most frequent bus service in Ang Mo Kio. However, in the eighties and early nineties, it was the only bus service within short walking distance from my flat. It was only many years later before they added Service 55 which linked up Hougang, Ang Mo Kio and Bishan.

The old Ang Mo Kio Bus Interchange was opened in 1980 and expanded in 1983 to cater for the growing population in the new town. The feeder buses would stop before the traffic light (shown in the photo above) at the bus interchange for the commuters to alight. Lasted more than twenty years until 2002, the old interchange was then shifted to a temporary location near the Ang Mo Kio Public Library while the new Integrated PT (Public Transport) Hub was constructed. The new air-conditioned interchange was finally opened in April 2007.

An underpass link was constructed between the old bus interchange and the Ang Mo Kio MRT Station when the latter was opened in November 1987. The first section of the North-South Line consisted of only five stations (Toa Payoh to Yio Chu Kang) over six kilometers. In the following year, 15 more stations were opened, allowing the Ang Mo Kio residents to travel conveniently to Yishun, Orchard and City Hall.

 HDB Flats in Ang Mo Kio

In 1973, the blocks, numbered 213-216, were the first ever flats to be completed in Ang Mo Kio. Three years later, the new town’s first market and hawker centre were added to Block 226. Soon, the first community centre, kindergarten, primary and secondary schools in Ang Mo Kio were also established in the same neighbourhood.

The design template of such classic HDB slab blocks and point blocks had been duplicated at new towns built in the late seventies and early eighties, including Ang Mo Kio, Bedok and Clementi.

The photos here show an en-bloc HDB flat along Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1. The blocks have been emptied since early 2012. The design were similar to my old Ang Mo Kio flat at Avenue 10, with its recognisable reinforced glass and aluminum window panes, small double-stepped doorway and symmetrical metal door grilles.

The slab block design typically consists of rows of two-room or three-room, three-and-a-half room and four-room units. The four-room units are usually located at both ends of the long common corridors. Before the upgrading scheme, the lifts of these flats do not stop at every level.

Void decks are multi-functional spaces for the residents living in the HDB flats, which can be used to hold Malay weddings or Chinese funeral wakes. For the kids, a void deck is also ideal for a game of football, despite the no-football sign. The mounted table tennis tables served as a free facility for ping-pong lovers; it also served as a “playground” when someone creatively invented the game of “crocodiles” using the table tennis table.

For approximately every ten slab blocks in each neighbourhood, there is a point block made up of five-room units.

In 1981, a circular block of flats was constructed by the HDB at the end of Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1. It was an experimental attempt to break through the design of the classic slab and point blocks. Nicknamed the “Four Leaf Clover Flat” due to its shape from the top view, it has 96 five-room units with interior curved walls. Even the water tanks at the rooftops are customised to suit the circular shapes.

When it was launched, each unit cost more than $110,000, significantly higher than other five-room flats during the early eighties. The reviews were mixed, as the residents found the curved designs impractical, having to spend more on renovations and customised furniture. The HDB stopped building such designs since then, thus making the “Four Leaf Clover Flat” the one and only circular flat in Singapore.

Ang Mo Kio Hawker Centres and Wet Markets

There is a total of nine hawker centres in Ang Mo Kio; the most in a new town in Singapore. The first hawker centre and market began at Block 226 along Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1. As the new town expanded with addition of housing districts, more hawker centres were built to cater for the growing population.

The nine hawker centres and wet markets within Ang Mo Kio are: Ang Mo Kio Central Market and Cooked Food Centre, Cheng San Market and Cooked Food Centre, Chong Boon Market and Food Centre, Kebun Baru Market and Food Centre, Mayflower Market and Food Centre, Teck Ghee Court Market and Food Centre, Teck Ghee Square Market and Hawker Centre and Yio Chu Kang View Market and Food Centre.

The Sembawang Hill Food Centre along Upper Thomson Road is also listed within the administration of Ang Mo Kio constituency.

There are many good food found in Ang Mo Kio. Many of the stallholders have been operating here for more than twenty years. The laksa, Teochew fish ball noodle (Chong Boon hawker centre), Hokkien mee (Teck Ghee Square and Cheng San hawker centres), bak chor mee (Ang Mo Kio central kopitiam), Penang prawn noodle (Ang Mo Kio central S11), satay beehoon (Ang Mo Kio Central hawker centre) and roti prata (Mayflower kopitiam) are some of my favourites.

Ang Mo Kio Places of Worship

Masjid Al-Muttaqin is the only mosque in Ang Mo Kio, and is the fifth mosque in Singapore to be completed under the Mosque Building Fund Scheme.

In the seventies, a place of worship was essential for the Malay Muslim residents who were resettled in Ang Mo Kio. Most of them were previously from the kampongs at Jalan Kayu, Buangkok and Tongkang Pecah (present-day Fernvale, Sengkang), who had to travel to Upper Serangoon and Thomson Road for their religious activities.

After two years of fund-raising by the devoted Muslims, it was decided that the new mosque was to be built at a 3,000 square meter site along Ang Mo Kio Avenue 6. At a cost of $1.8 million, it was officially opened in September 1980 with an accommodation of 2,700 worshippers. It has since became a distinctive landmark at the Ang Mo Kio Town Centre.

There are many Chinese temples in Ang Mo Kio, one of which is the Potong Pasir Joint Temples Association. As its name suggests, the temple originates from Potong Pasir. It is made up of five Chinese temples that were formerly located at Kampong Potong Pasir. Due to the development of Potong Pasir in the seventies and eighties, the five temples decided to join as one. The association was established in 1982, and was shifted to Ang Mo Kio Street 44 five years later.

Another combined temple is Ang Mo Kio Joint Temple. It comprises of three older Chinese temples that joined together as one in 1978. One of them was Kong Lim Kong Temple (檺林宫), who has its roots traced back to the late 19th century at Fujian province of China. The other two were Leng San Giam (龙山岩) and Kim Eang Tong (金英堂), established in the fifties and sixties at Cheng Sua Lai and Jio Sua respectively.

The third and fourth joint temple are Liuxun Sanhemiao Temple (六巡三合庙) and Chu Sheng Temple (聚圣庙) respectively. The former is made up of three kampong temples, Hong San Chin Huat Temple Association (凤山堂进法殿全盛宫), Sam Ann Fu (三安府) and The Longxuyan Jinshuiguan Temple (龙须岩金水馆), that once served the Lak Xun village. Chu Sheng Temple, completed in 1981, houses three old temples from Yio Chu Kang, namely Ji Fu Gong (集福宫), Hua Tang Fu (华堂府) and Long Quan Yan (龍泉岩).

The history of Swee Kok Guan Temple (水沟馆葛岸馆庙) went back to the early 20th century, when it was set up by the Chinese immigrants of the surname”Ang”. The temple began at Buona Vista, before moving to Holland Road and Choa Chu Kang. In the late sixties, there were three Swee Kok Guan temples in Singapore; the other two were located in Yio Chu Kang and Sembwang. In 1977, all three temples were combined to form one Swee Kok Guan Temple at Ang Mo Kio Street 61.

Chek Sian Tng (积善堂) at Ang Mo Kio Street 44 is a temple devoted to Avalokitesvara Bodhisattva (观音). Its history went back to the early 20th century, and was located at Kramat Road until the early eighties, before it found its home at Ang Mo Kio in 1984. Chek Sian Tng is also a temple specially for female devotees who wish to commit an ascetic life.

The services of Ang Mo Kio Methodist Church was originally held in 1976 in a rented house at Mayflower housing estate. As the number of its followers grew, it decided to build its own building together with two other Methodist conferences (Paya Lebar Chinese Methodist Church and Emmanuel Tamil Annual Conference). The church was completed at Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1 in 1981, and was upgraded several times over the years.

The barren ground in front of the church shown in the photo has been developed into Bishan-Ang Mo Kio Park.

Other churches in Ang Mo Kio are St. Thomas Orthodox Syrian Cathedral (built in 1983), Bethesda Hall at Ang Mo Kio Avenue 4 (1984) and First Evangelical Reformed Church at Yio Chu Kang Road (1994).

Catholic Church of Christ the King, the only Catholic Church in Ang Mo Kio, was opened in September 1982 at a cost of $3 million. In the seventies, the Catholics living in the vicinity of Ang Mo Kio had to travel to Upper Thomson (Church of Holy Spirit) or Serangoon Gardens (Church of St Francis Xiavier) to call their parish.

In 1999, its old building was demolished and replaced by the current church.

Community Centres and the Swimming Complex

The first ever community centres in Singapore were the Serangoon and Siglap Community Centres, both opened in May 1953. The initial objectives were to encourage participation in grassroots activities and to promote grassroots leadership. Today, there are as many as 105 community centres or clubs in Singapore.

Ang Mo Kio has five community centres, namely Ang Mo Kio CC, Cheng San CC, Kebun Baru CC, Teck Ghee CC and Yio Chu Kang CC. The first community centre in Ang Mo Kio, however, began in the mid-seventies at a humble corner of Block 226B, along Ang Mo Kio Street 22.

Opened in December 1978, the original Teck Ghee CC was located at Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1. In 1991, the former Chong Boon CC at Ang Mo Kio Avenue 10 was renamed as Teck Ghee CC after Teck Ghee became part of Ang Mo Kio Group Representation Constituency (GRC).

Chong Boon CC itself was originally housed in a small room at the void deck of Block 408 of Ang Mo Kio Avenue 10. A nearby venue was later chosen to build a new $3 million building with modern facilities such as basketball, tennis and squash courts, library and multi-purpose rooms. At its groundbreaking ceremony in September 1982, various religious leaders were invited to bless the project. The new community centre was officially opened in 1983.

An interesting trivia about Teck Ghee CC is that in 2008, actress Gong Li received her pink identity card (IC) at a citizenship ceremony held at the community centre.

Like Teck Ghee and Chong Boon CC, Ang Mo Kio CC and Kebun Baru CC were also built in the late seventies and early eighties respectively. Meanwhile, Yio Chu Kang CC and Cheng San CC have their histories traced back to the fifties and sixties.

I have forgotten how much time I had spent playing basketball at these community centres.

The construction of Ang Mo Kio Swimming Complex by the HDB in 1982 was welcomed by the residents of Ang Mo Kio, who otherwise had to travel to Toa Payoh if they wanted to enjoy a dip in the water.

The prominent red-tiled swimming complex with triangular roofs, situated off Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1, even won the Singapore Institute of Architects’ Architectural Design Award in 1986.

Ang Mo Kio’s Dragon and Merlions

One of four remaining dragon playgrounds in Singapore can be found standing at the junction of Ang Mo Kio Avenue 3 and Avenue 10, with its sand box refurbished with rubber mats and its metal body repainted.

There used to be many sand-based playgrounds scattered around Ang Mo Kio during the eighties. After 1993, these old playgrounds were slowly replaced by the newer and safer plastic playgrounds.

At the entrance of the carpark to the blocks of 216-222 stand a pair of Merlions. They were built by the Ang Mo Kio Residential Committee in 1998 at a cost of $13,000. The pair was almost forced to be removed because of the infringement of copyrights, due to the fact that the Singapore Tourism Board (STB) owns all intellectual properties of Merlion.

In the end, the Ang Mo Kio Merlions managed to stay on, and have become the iconic features along Ang Mo Kio Avenue 1.

The Gardens of Ang Mo Kio

Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East is the new town’s first town garden. Built in the late seventies, it was formerly part of Kampong Cheng San. Rubber trees and nutmeg groves used be grown all over the small hill. Today, some old rubber trees still stand in Ang Mo Kio Town Garden East, witnessing the tremendous changes in its surrounding environment in the past few decades.

Ang Mo Kio Town Garden West, on the other hand, was developed in the eighties at the hillock on the other side of the town centre.

It was designed and developed by a Japanese contractor company at a cost of $2.7 million. The fascinating part about Ang Mo Kio Town Garden West is that it still contains the secondary forest and its original vegetation and terrains. Certain stretch of the former Cheng San Road was also incorporated into its current footpaths.

National Day Parade, Chingay and VIP Visit

Between 1975 and 1983, the National Day Parade was held in alternate years between centralised and decentralised locations. The centralised locations referred to the National Stadium and Padang, while the decentralised locations were the residential neighbourhoods such as Ang Mo Kio, Toa Payoh, Redhill and Queenstown.

The Ang Mo Kio residents were delighted when the National Day Parade in 1983 was chosen to be held at Ang Mo Kio. That was the last time the National Day Parade was held at a decentralised site. In the nineties, some of the mobile column of military trucks and tanks would drive past Ang Mo Kio as part of their routes through the heartlands.

Chingay was another annual parading event celebrated by Singaporeans. I remember as a kid, I waited enthusiastically by the roadside to watch the likes of lion and dragon dances, and beautifully decorated floats (mounted on top of those old trucks) drove past.

Chingay, literally means “art of masquerade” (妆艺) in Hokkien, was originally a street celebration of the Chinese New Year festivals with the addition of the celebrating the birthdays of Chinese Taoist deities. Its local history went back to the 19th century, but the annual event, deemed as financially extravagant and culturally backward, was abolished in 1906.

When the firecrackers were banned in Singapore in 1972, there was unhappiness among the local Chinese, as it dampened the festival mood of the Chinese New Year celebrations. As an alternative, former Prime Minister Lee Kuan Yew proposed the revival of Chingay in Singapore. Hence, the first Chingay parade was held successfully in 1973, and subsequently it was organised annually at Toa Payoh (1974), Marine Parade (1978) and Ang Mo Kio (1984). In the late seventies, Chingay had evolved into a multicultural event with the participation of the Malay and Indian cultural performance groups.

Like Queenstown, Ang Mo Kio also has a VIP block. It is Block 710 at the Ang Mo Kio Town Centre, where foreign dignitaries visited during their tour to Singapore’s model housing estate in the eighties. In 1989, on her second visit to Singapore, Queen Elizabeth II was brought to Block 710 to enjoy a panoramic view of Ang Mo Kio.

In 2004, I moved to Sengkang after living in Ang Mo Kio for 25 years. I still returned there every now and then; for a haircut, a game of basketball, or simply enjoy a meal at the hawker centres or kopitiam I am familiar with.

Editor’s Note: This article is specially dedicated to all the current and former residents of Ang Mo Kio.

Published: 12 December 2012

Updated: 28 December 2012